Suchergebnisse

International regimes have received increasing attention in the literature on international relations. However, little attention has been systematically paid to how compliance with them has been achieved. An analysis of the Mediterranean Action Plan, a coordinated effort to protect the Mediterranean Sea from pollution, shows that this regime actually served to empower a group of experts (members of an epistemic community), who were then able to redirect their governments toward the pursuit of new objectives. Acting in an effective transnational coalition, these new actors contributed to the development of convergent state policies in compliance with the regime and were also effective in promoting stronger and broader rules for pollution control. This suggests that in addition to providing a form of order in an anarchic international political system, regimes may also contribute to governmental learning and influence patterns of behavior by empowering new groups who are able to direct their governments toward new ends.

INTERNATIONAL REGIMES HAVE RECEIVED INCREASING ATTENTION IN THE LITERATURE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS. HOWEVER, LITTLE ATTENTION HAS BEEN SYSTEMATICALLY PAID TO HOW COMPLIANCE WITH THEM HAS BEEN ACHIEVED. AN ANALYSIS OF THE MEDITERRANEAN ACTION PLAN, A COORDINATED EFFORT TO PROTECT THE MEDITERRANEAN SEA FROM POLLUTION, SHOWS THAT THIS REGIME ACTUALLY SERVED TO EMPOWER A GROUP OF EXPERTS (MEMBERS OF AN EPISTEMIC COMMUNITY), WHO WERE THEN ABLE TO REDIRECT THEIR GOVERNMENTS TOWARD THE PURSUIT OF NEW OBJECTIVES. ACTING IN AN EFFECTIVE TRANSNATIONAL COALITION, THESE NEW ACTORS CONTRIBUTED TO THE DEVELOPMENT OF CONVERGENT STATE POLICIES IN COMPLIANCE WITH THE REGIME AND WERE ALSO EFFECTIVE IN PROMOTING STRONGER AND BROADER RULES FOR POLLUTION CONTROL. THIS SUGGESTS THAT IN ADDITION TO PROVIDING A FORM OF ORDER IN AN ANARCHIC INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL SYSTEM, REGIMES MAY ALSO CONTRIBUTE TO GOVERNMENTAL LEARNING AND INFLUENCE PATTERNS OF BEHAVIOR BY EMPOWERING NEW GROUPS WHO ARE ABLE TO DIRECT THEIR GOVERNMENTS TOWARD NEW ENDS.

In the last decade, Central America has been the region of Latin American area with the highest level of conflict, although not necessarily the one with the highest rates of political terrorism. In the Central American case, considering the actors, we can say that there has been subversive terrorism, State terrorism and transnational terrorism. The regional crisis is expressed in many ways and on many levels; For the purposes of this paper, two are of particular interest to us: the international perspective and the national security perspective. The Central American States immersed in the crisis, and even more powerful actors from outside the area, perceive their national security as a core problem, that is, it affects the very existence of the national State. Violence, including terrorism, influences this perception. ; En la última década Centroamérica ha sido la región del área latinoamericana con un mayor nivel de conflicto, aunque no necesariamente la que ha tenido mayores índices de terrorismo político. En el caso centroamericano considerando a los actores podemos decir que ha existido terrorismo subversivo, terrorismo de Estado y terrorismo transnacional. La crisis regional se expresa de muchas maneras y en muchos planos; para los propósitos de este trabajo dos nos interesan particularmente: la perspectiva internacional y la de seguridad nacional. Los Estados centroamericanos inmersos en la crisis, y aún actores de más poder de fuera del área, perciben como un problema medular su seguridad nacional, es decir afecta a la existencia misma del Estado nacional. La violencia, incluido el terrorismo, incide en esta percepción.

The sudden interest in Central American affairs that has arisen in Western Europe has diverse origins. These respond to conflicting goals of various national, transnational and multinational European actors. To solve the crisis, the US government seems to favor short-term solutions, while Western Europeans tend to accept some short-term instability in order to achieve long-term stability in the region. The crucial question about Western Europe's role in the region appears to be whether the European option offers enough incentives to be acceptable to a grand coalition of regional interest and, more importantly, whether Western Europe will be strong enough to attempt that "new order" internally and regionally in Central America. ; El súbito interés frente a los asuntos centroamericanos que ha surgido en Europa Occidental tiene diversos orígenes. Estos responden a metas conflictivas de diversos actores europeos nacionales, transnacionales y multinacionales. Para solucionar la crisis, el gobierno de los Estados Unidos parece favorecer las soluciones a corto plazo, en tanto que los europeos occidentales tienden a aceptar cierta inestabilidad a corto plazo con el objeto de conseguir una estabilidad a largo plazo en la región. La pregunta crucial acerca del papel de Europa Occidental en la región parece ser si la opción europea ofrece suficientes incentivos como para ser aceptable para una gran coalición de interés regional y, más importante, si Europa Occidental será lo suficientemente fuerte como para intentar ese "nuevo orden" interna y regionalmente en América Central.

Diskussion des Machtkampfes zwischen Präsident Arap Moi und seinem ehemaligen Minister Charles Njonjo vor dem Hintergrund der Gegensätze unter den führenden Eliten des Landes. Machtbasis von Njonjo, Machtkampf und Loyalitäten, gerichtliche Untersuchung. Enge Verbindung des Konflikts mit den konservativ-kapitalistischen und pro-britischen Tendenzen im kenianischen Nationalismus. (DÜI-Hlb)