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"William, when I went into the jungle, I was seventeen. When I walked out I was twenty-one. And, by God, I was rich!"Arthur Miller,Death of a Salesman, Act IFortunes magically and mysteriously made on vast continents overseas have tempted western entrepreneurs for generations, much as Uncle Ben tempted Willie Loman. But these exploits also involve machinations which appear sinister to a general public increasingly disturbed by the control giant corporations have over our daily lives. As long ago as 1900, John Hobson developed the theory that modern imperial expansion was the product of the manipulation of national foreign policies by the "Rand lords" and similar overseas financial operators. This idea was used by Lenin, Hilferding and others in their elaborations of the Marxist explanation of the nexus between economic forces and the political behaviour of states. Imperialism in tropical Africa was always seen as a key issue in this context. With the onset of decolonization and the struggle for development, questions of the history and the progress of imperialism have remained cogent subjects of intellectual controversy. The historical "scramble for Africa" and the process of colonization which followed created the basis for the modern political map of Africa and modern African political society. To what extent were these developments triggered or determined by the activities of private entrepeneurs? What relevance might the answer have for the contemporary study of international politics? This article seeks to explore these questions in the light of theories of transnational politics. At the same time, the problem of European expansion in Africa provides an important test for the transnational approach, as it relates to the overseas political activity of international business firms.

1 Transnational Actors and Policymaking in Sub-Saharan Africa: The Scholarly Context -- 2 Transnational Policy Process: Analytical Framework -- 3 Transnational Actors and Social Policymaking in Ghana: A Brief Historical Background -- 4 Transnational Actors and Policymaking: The Ghana Poverty Reduction Strategy (GPRS) -- 5 Ghana's Decision to LEAP Out of Poverty: Interrogating the Transnational Involvement -- 6 Transnational Policymaking After the GPRS and LEAP in Ghana and Beyond -- 7 Conclusion: Lessons and Implications.

"The democratic deficit in contemporary global governance arrangements is a matter of increasing political and scholarly concern. The participation of transnational actors, such as civil society groups and corporations, in global governance is often put forward as a solution to this democratic deficit. However, most research into the democratic aspects of transnational actor participation in global governance has focused on the democratic qualities of the global governance arrangement at large ₆ rather than specifically on the participating transnational actors. This book seeks to redress the balance and draws on case studies on the democratic legitimacy of different kinds of transnational actors, ranging from corporations and philanthropic foundations to non-governmental organizations, social movements, and diaspora groups. Combining normative democratic theory and empirical research into the legitimacy of transnational actors, the book offers innovative interpretations of democratic legitimacy in a transnational context"--Provided by publisher.

Chapter 1. The Diplomatic Role of Transnational Actors in Wartime Captivity; Marcel Berni, Tamara Cubito -- Chapter 2. "Any unfavourable condition or untoward circumstance will receive immediate attention": American Consuls' Visits to British Colonial Internment Camps of the Great War; Tamara Cubito -- Chapter 3. "Heraus mit unseren Gefangenen!" The German Home Front and the International Campaign for Prisoner of War Repatriation, 1918-1919; Brian K. Feltman -- Chapter 4. An Uneasy Balance: International Relief Efforts in the Chaco War; Robert Niebuhr -- Chapter 5. Japanese Civilian Internees in New Caledonia: A Gap Between the Protecting Powers and the ICRC; Rowena Ward -- Chapter 6. Japanese Prisoners of War, the American-Soviet Conflict, and the Role of Repatriated War Veterans in the Early Cold War in East Asia; Frank Jacob -- Chapter 7. The ICRC and Communist Captives during Vietnam's American War; Marcel Berni -- Chapter 8. Biafra's Captives: The "Oilmen Incident" and International Diplomacy in the Nigerian Civil War; Onianwa Oluchuchukwu Ignatus -- Chapter 9. 90,000 Prisoners of War as Bargaining Chip: Bangladesh, India and Pakistan 1972 to 1974; Amit Das Gupta.

1\. Introduction 5 1.1 Why Mexico and Turkey and Their Incorporation into Regional Blocs? 7 1.2 Regionalization, Globalization, Institutional Change and Decoupling 9 2\. The EU Accession Process and Differential Impact in Turkey: Failed Dialogue, Empowered Organizations 10 2.1 Failed Europeanization in Social Dialogue: the Economic and Social Council in Turkey 12 2.2 Non-EU External Actors and Bilateral Coordination Platforms at Work 13 2.3 The EU and Partial Empowerment of Corporatist Organizations in Turkey 14 2.4 The EU and the Burgeoning-Polarized-Cohesion of Turkish Business 16 3\. NAFTA Accession and Changes in Social Dialogue in Mexico 18 3.1 NAFTA, Transnationalization and Mexico's Decaying Corporatism: A Case for Nafta-ization or North- Americanization 18 3.2 Transnationalization, NAFTA, Changing Institutions and Organizational Landscape in Mexico 20 4\. Conclusion 22 References 25 ; This working paper explores the processes in which accession to different regional blocs has affected the ways the state interacts with societal actors, along with the interest representation and mediation models in both member and accession countries. Focusing on Turkey and Mexico, two upper-middle-income countries situated on the fringes of major powers and integrated into the regional blocs led by those, the paper examines the differential impact of the European Union (EU) and the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) on the organization and mediation of business interests; the ways in which these interests are incorporated into policy-making; and the processes of social dialogue. Taking into consideration the fundamental differences between these two regionalisms, it looks into both direct and indirect mechanisms with respect to the influence of regional-level actors on domestic actors and institutions. Maintaining that the impact of regional blocs cannot be easily isolated from that of international, transnational actors and processes, the paper scrutinizes the respective roles of international actors and ...

Diese Studie erforscht die internationale Arbeit der deutschen politischen Stiftungen und verbindet sie mit den IB-Theorien zu transnationalen Akteuren und der Public-Diplomacy-Literatur. Ein Public-Diplomacy-Modell wird verwendet, um die transnationalen Interaktionsprozesse der Stiftungen systematisch zu untersuchen. Es integriert verschiedene Ansätze und geht davon aus, dass Public Diplomacy in einem Netzwerkumfeld stattfindet. Die Aktivitäten zur Demokratieförderung und zum Konfliktmanagement der Stiftungen werden als bestimmte Formen der Public Diplomacy untersucht. In zwei Fallstudien wird das Rule-of-Law-Programm der Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung in Südosteuropa sowie die Aktivitäten der Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung in Südthailand betrachtet. Dabei wird auf ihre Strategien zur Verbreitung von Ideen, ihre Netzwerkbildung sowie ihre Ressourcen der Soft Power eingegangen.

1 Introduction -- 2 Who are the Dissidents? -- 3 Marxist neophytes and democratic heretics -- 4 Dissent Gains Names and Faces -- 5 Between Prague and Helsinki: setting the transnational stage for dissidence -- 6 The birth of the dissident figure, 1976-77 -- 7 Molding the dissident figure -- 8 The looping effect of the dissident figure: resistance and performance -- 9 Generalization of the dissident figure -- 10 Conclusion: can dissidentism explain post-dissident politics?

This working paper explores the processes in which accession to different regional blocs has affected the ways the state interacts with societal actors, along with the interest representation and mediation models in both member and accession countries. Focusing on Turkey and Mexico, two upper-middle-income
countries situated on the fringes of major powers and integrated into the regional blocs led by those, the paper examines the differential impact of the European Union (EU) and the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) on the organization and mediation of business interests; the ways in which these interests are incorporated into policy-making; and the processes of social dialogue. Taking into consideration the fundamental differences between these two regionalisms, it looks into both direct and indirect mechanisms with respect to the influence of regional-level actors on domestic actors and institutions. Maintaining that the impact of regional blocs cannot be easily isolated from that of international, transnational actors and processes, the paper scrutinizes the respective roles of international actors and transnational networks which, at times, have become more influential than the regional blocs in bringing about major institutional changes at the domestic level. Thus, it sheds light on processes of comparative regionalization
and their varying influences on distinct polities, which is usually combined and even furthered or, rather, obstructed by the influences of transnational, international and global forces, along with domestic actors
and institutions.

Diese Studie erforscht die internationale Arbeit der deutschen politischen Stiftungen und verbindet sie mit den IB-Theorien zu transnationalen Akteuren und der Public-Diplomacy-Literatur. Ein Public-Diplomacy-Modell wird verwendet, um die transnationalen Interaktionsprozesse der Stiftungen systematisch zu untersuchen. Es integriert verschiedene Ansätze und geht davon aus, dass Public Diplomacy in einem Netzwerkumfeld stattfindet. Die Aktivitäten zur Demokratieförderung und zum Konfliktmanagement der Stiftungen werden als bestimmte Formen der Public Diplomacy untersucht. In zwei Fallstudien wird das Rule-of-Law-Programm der Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung in Südosteuropa sowie die Aktivitäten der Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung in Südthailand betrachtet. Dabei wird auf ihre Strategien zur Verbreitung von Ideen, ihre Netzwerkbildung sowie ihre Ressourcen der Soft Power eingegangen.