Suchergebnisse

Salafism appeared in Yemen around Muqbil al-Wâdi'î of Dammâj, north Yemen, in the early 1980s. Since then it has spread throughout the country in various teaching centres and mosques. Dominant political and academic narratives often regard the salafi movement as the offspring of a Saudi religious proselytism that aims at spreading its own model, and this in order to manipulate the loyalty of Yemeni citizens and to satisfy its own national interest. In that framework, religion and transnational actors (migrants, business men or students) are seen as simple instruments of domination and state power. Explaining the rise of salafism in Yemen in terms of imperialism and confrontation of power appears superficial. In the Yemeni context, this political and religious movement develops less because of centralised policies than because of various local, global and translocal social dynamics witnessed in the contemporary Arabian Peninsula. These processes mix individual migratory trajectories, recompositions of religious and political identities in Yemen, Saudi Arabia and in Muslim societies and the effects of the "global war against terror". The trajectory of salafism in the Yemeni environment is affected by domestic structures and institutions. For individuals at grass-roots level, this religious practice does not bear the same meaning in Yemeni society as it does in Saudi Arabia's. It is mainly for this reason that the state, even when it is dominant, does not control the ideological evolution of salafism and of its entrepreneurs and advocates. ; Apparu au début des années 1980 autour de la figure de Muqbil al-Wâdi'î, le mouvement salafi yéménite a depuis connu un développement rapide et remarqué. Les discours médiatiques et académiques dominants réduisent fréquemment l'émergence du salafisme à une politique prosélyte de l'Arabie Saoudite visant à diffuser son propre modèle religieux afin d'orienter en sa faveur l'allégeance de la population yéménite et de satisfaire un hypothétique intérêt national. Dans ce cadre, la ...

Salafism appeared in Yemen around Muqbil al-Wâdi'î of Dammâj, north Yemen, in the early 1980s. Since then it has spread throughout the country in various teaching centres and mosques. Dominant political and academic narratives often regard the salafi movement as the offspring of a Saudi religious proselytism that aims at spreading its own model, and this in order to manipulate the loyalty of Yemeni citizens and to satisfy its own national interest. In that framework, religion and transnational actors (migrants, business men or students) are seen as simple instruments of domination and state power. Explaining the rise of salafism in Yemen in terms of imperialism and confrontation of power appears superficial. In the Yemeni context, this political and religious movement develops less because of centralised policies than because of various local, global and translocal social dynamics witnessed in the contemporary Arabian Peninsula. These processes mix individual migratory trajectories, recompositions of religious and political identities in Yemen, Saudi Arabia and in Muslim societies and the effects of the "global war against terror". The trajectory of salafism in the Yemeni environment is affected by domestic structures and institutions. For individuals at grass-roots level, this religious practice does not bear the same meaning in Yemeni society as it does in Saudi Arabia's. It is mainly for this reason that the state, even when it is dominant, does not control the ideological evolution of salafism and of its entrepreneurs and advocates. ; Apparu au début des années 1980 autour de la figure de Muqbil al-Wâdi'î, le mouvement salafi yéménite a depuis connu un développement rapide et remarqué. Les discours médiatiques et académiques dominants réduisent fréquemment l'émergence du salafisme à une politique prosélyte de l'Arabie Saoudite visant à diffuser son propre modèle religieux afin d'orienter en sa faveur l'allégeance de la population yéménite et de satisfaire un hypothétique intérêt national. Dans ce cadre, la ...

Salafism appeared in Yemen around Muqbil al-Wâdi'î of Dammâj, north Yemen, in the early 1980s. Since then it has spread throughout the country in various teaching centres and mosques. Dominant political and academic narratives often regard the salafi movement as the offspring of a Saudi religious proselytism that aims at spreading its own model, and this in order to manipulate the loyalty of Yemeni citizens and to satisfy its own national interest. In that framework, religion and transnational actors (migrants, business men or students) are seen as simple instruments of domination and state power. Explaining the rise of salafism in Yemen in terms of imperialism and confrontation of power appears superficial. In the Yemeni context, this political and religious movement develops less because of centralised policies than because of various local, global and translocal social dynamics witnessed in the contemporary Arabian Peninsula. These processes mix individual migratory trajectories, recompositions of religious and political identities in Yemen, Saudi Arabia and in Muslim societies and the effects of the "global war against terror". The trajectory of salafism in the Yemeni environment is affected by domestic structures and institutions. For individuals at grass-roots level, this religious practice does not bear the same meaning in Yemeni society as it does in Saudi Arabia's. It is mainly for this reason that the state, even when it is dominant, does not control the ideological evolution of salafism and of its entrepreneurs and advocates. ; Apparu au début des années 1980 autour de la figure de Muqbil al-Wâdi'î, le mouvement salafi yéménite a depuis connu un développement rapide et remarqué. Les discours médiatiques et académiques dominants réduisent fréquemment l'émergence du salafisme à une politique prosélyte de l'Arabie Saoudite visant à diffuser son propre modèle religieux afin d'orienter en sa faveur l'allégeance de la population yéménite et de satisfaire un hypothétique intérêt national. Dans ce cadre, la ...

Salafism appeared in Yemen around Muqbil al-Wâdi'î of Dammâj, north Yemen, in the early 1980s. Since then it has spread throughout the country in various teaching centres and mosques. Dominant political and academic narratives often regard the salafi movement as the offspring of a Saudi religious proselytism that aims at spreading its own model, and this in order to manipulate the loyalty of Yemeni citizens and to satisfy its own national interest. In that framework, religion and transnational actors (migrants, business men or students) are seen as simple instruments of domination and state power. Explaining the rise of salafism in Yemen in terms of imperialism and confrontation of power appears superficial. In the Yemeni context, this political and religious movement develops less because of centralised policies than because of various local, global and translocal social dynamics witnessed in the contemporary Arabian Peninsula. These processes mix individual migratory trajectories, recompositions of religious and political identities in Yemen, Saudi Arabia and in Muslim societies and the effects of the "global war against terror". The trajectory of salafism in the Yemeni environment is affected by domestic structures and institutions. For individuals at grass-roots level, this religious practice does not bear the same meaning in Yemeni society as it does in Saudi Arabia's. It is mainly for this reason that the state, even when it is dominant, does not control the ideological evolution of salafism and of its entrepreneurs and advocates. ; Apparu au début des années 1980 autour de la figure de Muqbil al-Wâdi'î, le mouvement salafi yéménite a depuis connu un développement rapide et remarqué. Les discours médiatiques et académiques dominants réduisent fréquemment l'émergence du salafisme à une politique prosélyte de l'Arabie Saoudite visant à diffuser son propre modèle religieux afin d'orienter en sa faveur l'allégeance de la population yéménite et de satisfaire un hypothétique intérêt national. Dans ce cadre, la ...

Our thesis relates to the transnational corporations whose activities are blamed in the climate change problem. It deals with their actions in relation to the political process engaged by the states at the beginning of the 1990s, and with their influence on the definition of the solutions to be brought to the problem. More precisely, as part of a broader reflection on the social-historical institution of the problem - the fact that it is instituted, by means of the imaginary, in and by particular societies, at a certain moment of their history and for a certain time - and considering the period extending from 1989 to 2001, we wanted to elucidate two things. On the one hand, why, for (or against) what and how did these corporations act (i.e. the cause, the aim and the content of their actions) in relation to the political process. And, on the other hand, up to what point these actions (making the most of a " relational power "), but also the sole fact that the studied corporations exist (a situation from which they derive an " institutional power "), had effects on the process and, more especially, on the definition of the solutions. The choice of analysing these major " non-state " actors arised from two intermingled motivations. The main motivation was to demonstrate the need to take into account these large firms (in addition to the states, the interstate institutions and the other non-state actors) to be able to understand the evolution of the political process, and thus to remedy at the lack of studies on the subject. The other motivation was to contribute, more in filigree, at the comprehension of the way capitalism - understood as a " social regime " (i.e. a specific type of institution of the society) that can exist only in and by the corporation - face this problem which, more than any other ecological problem, deeply questions it, that means threatens it. ; Notre thèse porte sur les firmes transnationales dont les activités sont mises en cause dans le problème du changement climatique. Elle traite de ...

Our thesis relates to the transnational corporations whose activities are blamed in the climate change problem. It deals with their actions in relation to the political process engaged by the states at the beginning of the 1990s, and with their influence on the definition of the solutions to be brought to the problem. More precisely, as part of a broader reflection on the social-historical institution of the problem - the fact that it is instituted, by means of the imaginary, in and by particular societies, at a certain moment of their history and for a certain time - and considering the period extending from 1989 to 2001, we wanted to elucidate two things. On the one hand, why, for (or against) what and how did these corporations act (i.e. the cause, the aim and the content of their actions) in relation to the political process. And, on the other hand, up to what point these actions (making the most of a " relational power "), but also the sole fact that the studied corporations exist (a situation from which they derive an " institutional power "), had effects on the process and, more especially, on the definition of the solutions. The choice of analysing these major " non-state " actors arised from two intermingled motivations. The main motivation was to demonstrate the need to take into account these large firms (in addition to the states, the interstate institutions and the other non-state actors) to be able to understand the evolution of the political process, and thus to remedy at the lack of studies on the subject. The other motivation was to contribute, more in filigree, at the comprehension of the way capitalism - understood as a " social regime " (i.e. a specific type of institution of the society) that can exist only in and by the corporation - face this problem which, more than any other ecological problem, deeply questions it, that means threatens it. ; Notre thèse porte sur les firmes transnationales dont les activités sont mises en cause dans le problème du changement climatique. Elle traite de leurs actions relativement au processus politique engagé par les Etats au début des années 1990 et de leur influence sur la définition des solutions à apporter au problème. Plus précisément, dans le cadre d'une réflexion plus large sur l'institution social-historique du problème - le fait qu'il est institué, moyennant l'imaginaire, dans et par des sociétés particulières, à un moment donné de leur histoire et pour un certain temps -, et considérant la période allant de 1989 à 2001, nous avons voulu élucider deux choses. D'une part, pourquoi, pour (ou contre) quoi et comment ces firmes ont agi (la cause, la fin et la teneur de leurs actions) par rapport au processus politique. D'autre part, dans quelle mesure ces actions (faisant valoir un certain " pouvoir relationnel "), mais aussi le seul fait qu'elles existaient (situation dont elles tirent un " pouvoir institutionnel "), ont eu des effets sur ce processus et, plus particulièrement, sur la définition des solutions. Le choix d'analyser ces acteurs " non-étatiques " majeurs a résulté de deux motivations entremêlées. Celle, principale, de démontrer la nécessité de tenir compte de ces grandes firmes (en sus des Etats, des institutions interétatiques et d'autres acteurs non-étatiques) pour pouvoir comprendre l'évolution du processus politique, et ainsi de remédier au défaut d'études sur le sujet. Par ailleurs, celle de contribuer, en filigrane, à la compréhension de la façon dont le capitalisme, en tant que régime social (type spécifique d'institution de la société) ne pouvant exister que dans et par l'entreprise, affronte ce problème qui, plus que tout autre problème écologique, le met profondément en question, c'est-à-dire le menace.

Our thesis relates to the transnational corporations whose activities are blamed in the climate change problem. It deals with their actions in relation to the political process engaged by the states at the beginning of the 1990s, and with their influence on the definition of the solutions to be brought to the problem. More precisely, as part of a broader reflection on the social-historical institution of the problem - the fact that it is instituted, by means of the imaginary, in and by particular societies, at a certain moment of their history and for a certain time - and considering the period extending from 1989 to 2001, we wanted to elucidate two things. On the one hand, why, for (or against) what and how did these corporations act (i.e. the cause, the aim and the content of their actions) in relation to the political process. And, on the other hand, up to what point these actions (making the most of a " relational power "), but also the sole fact that the studied corporations exist (a situation from which they derive an " institutional power "), had effects on the process and, more especially, on the definition of the solutions. The choice of analysing these major " non-state " actors arised from two intermingled motivations. The main motivation was to demonstrate the need to take into account these large firms (in addition to the states, the interstate institutions and the other non-state actors) to be able to understand the evolution of the political process, and thus to remedy at the lack of studies on the subject. The other motivation was to contribute, more in filigree, at the comprehension of the way capitalism - understood as a " social regime " (i.e. a specific type of institution of the society) that can exist only in and by the corporation - face this problem which, more than any other ecological problem, deeply questions it, that means threatens it. ; Notre thèse porte sur les firmes transnationales dont les activités sont mises en cause dans le problème du changement climatique. Elle traite de leurs actions relativement au processus politique engagé par les Etats au début des années 1990 et de leur influence sur la définition des solutions à apporter au problème. Plus précisément, dans le cadre d'une réflexion plus large sur l'institution social-historique du problème - le fait qu'il est institué, moyennant l'imaginaire, dans et par des sociétés particulières, à un moment donné de leur histoire et pour un certain temps -, et considérant la période allant de 1989 à 2001, nous avons voulu élucider deux choses. D'une part, pourquoi, pour (ou contre) quoi et comment ces firmes ont agi (la cause, la fin et la teneur de leurs actions) par rapport au processus politique. D'autre part, dans quelle mesure ces actions (faisant valoir un certain " pouvoir relationnel "), mais aussi le seul fait qu'elles existaient (situation dont elles tirent un " pouvoir institutionnel "), ont eu des effets sur ce processus et, plus particulièrement, sur la définition des solutions. Le choix d'analyser ces acteurs " non-étatiques " majeurs a résulté de deux motivations entremêlées. Celle, principale, de démontrer la nécessité de tenir compte de ces grandes firmes (en sus des Etats, des institutions interétatiques et d'autres acteurs non-étatiques) pour pouvoir comprendre l'évolution du processus politique, et ainsi de remédier au défaut d'études sur le sujet. Par ailleurs, celle de contribuer, en filigrane, à la compréhension de la façon dont le capitalisme, en tant que régime social (type spécifique d'institution de la société) ne pouvant exister que dans et par l'entreprise, affronte ce problème qui, plus que tout autre problème écologique, le met profondément en question, c'est-à-dire le menace.

Our thesis relates to the transnational corporations whose activities are blamed in the climate change problem. It deals with their actions in relation to the political process engaged by the states at the beginning of the 1990s, and with their influence on the definition of the solutions to be brought to the problem. More precisely, as part of a broader reflection on the social-historical institution of the problem - the fact that it is instituted, by means of the imaginary, in and by particular societies, at a certain moment of their history and for a certain time - and considering the period extending from 1989 to 2001, we wanted to elucidate two things. On the one hand, why, for (or against) what and how did these corporations act (i.e. the cause, the aim and the content of their actions) in relation to the political process. And, on the other hand, up to what point these actions (making the most of a " relational power "), but also the sole fact that the studied corporations exist (a situation from which they derive an " institutional power "), had effects on the process and, more especially, on the definition of the solutions. The choice of analysing these major " non-state " actors arised from two intermingled motivations. The main motivation was to demonstrate the need to take into account these large firms (in addition to the states, the interstate institutions and the other non-state actors) to be able to understand the evolution of the political process, and thus to remedy at the lack of studies on the subject. The other motivation was to contribute, more in filigree, at the comprehension of the way capitalism - understood as a " social regime " (i.e. a specific type of institution of the society) that can exist only in and by the corporation - face this problem which, more than any other ecological problem, deeply questions it, that means threatens it. ; Notre thèse porte sur les firmes transnationales dont les activités sont mises en cause dans le problème du changement climatique. Elle traite de leurs actions relativement au processus politique engagé par les Etats au début des années 1990 et de leur influence sur la définition des solutions à apporter au problème. Plus précisément, dans le cadre d'une réflexion plus large sur l'institution social-historique du problème - le fait qu'il est institué, moyennant l'imaginaire, dans et par des sociétés particulières, à un moment donné de leur histoire et pour un certain temps -, et considérant la période allant de 1989 à 2001, nous avons voulu élucider deux choses. D'une part, pourquoi, pour (ou contre) quoi et comment ces firmes ont agi (la cause, la fin et la teneur de leurs actions) par rapport au processus politique. D'autre part, dans quelle mesure ces actions (faisant valoir un certain " pouvoir relationnel "), mais aussi le seul fait qu'elles existaient (situation dont elles tirent un " pouvoir institutionnel "), ont eu des effets sur ce processus et, plus particulièrement, sur la définition des solutions. Le choix d'analyser ces acteurs " non-étatiques " majeurs a résulté de deux motivations entremêlées. Celle, principale, de démontrer la nécessité de tenir compte de ces grandes firmes (en sus des Etats, des institutions interétatiques et d'autres acteurs non-étatiques) pour pouvoir comprendre l'évolution du processus politique, et ainsi de remédier au défaut d'études sur le sujet. Par ailleurs, celle de contribuer, en filigrane, à la compréhension de la façon dont le capitalisme, en tant que régime social (type spécifique d'institution de la société) ne pouvant exister que dans et par l'entreprise, affronte ce problème qui, plus que tout autre problème écologique, le met profondément en question, c'est-à-dire le menace.

International audience ; How do those who stayed behind exert their authority over emigrants (notably to makesure they keep on sending remittances) despite the distance? How does power circulatebeyond borders? For the last twenty years, the concept of territory is at the core of thescholarship on migrants' spatiality and mobility. However, this paper turns upside downthe common problematique by addressing the migratory space as a vector of the exercise oftransnational authority. The paper draws on a series of qualitative investigation amongemigrants from the Moroccan Middle-Atlas and Kabylia in Algeria. After a literature reviewof the use of the notion of territory in migration studies, it shows how a transnationalterritoriality is built up through the creation of migrant social institutions (transnationalfamilies, migrant associations and ethnic businesses) that serve as a relay for powerdissemination. The transnational network of these social institutions is the crucible for thereproduction of a moral geography maintaining emigrants in a stance of obligation towardsthose who stayed. This moral geography is imbued with deeply ambivalent representations:the place of departure is simultaneously perceived as a place unable to sustain the socialmobility of actors and a moral centrality. Conversely, the place of destination spurs acertain fascination while being perceived as corrupted by foreign values. This ambivalentmoral geography underpins the moral economy of the relationship between migrants andnon-migrants: while migration triggers fascination and envy, migrants are accused ofselfishness and moral dubiousness when they do not abide to their duty of emigrants, and,in particular, when they refrain from transferring money to the left-behind. Finally,drawing on the example of development projects undertaken in villages of departure, thearticle examines the way the transnational territory becomes henceforth a real stake for therenegotiation of rights and duties between actors. ; Comment ceux qui sont restés parviennent-ils à exercer une autorité sur les migrants(notamment pour les contraindre à leur envoyer de l'argent) malgré la distance ? End'autres termes, comment l'autorité circule-t-elle par-delà les frontières ? Depuis vingt ans,le concept de territoire est au coeur de la réflexion sur les spatialités et la mobilité desmigrants. Mais la dimension politique de la territorialité a jusqu'ici été négligée par lestravaux existants. Cet article renverse la problématique habituelle en abordant l'espacemigratoire comme vecteur de l'exercice d'une autorité. Il s'appuie sur une série d'enquêtesqualitatives auprès d'émigrants en provenance du Moyen Atlas marocains et de Kabylie.Après une revue de la littérature sur l'usage de la notion de territoire dans les étudesmigratoires, cet article montre comment se construit une territorialité transnationale par lacréation d'institutions sociales en migrations (familles transnationales, associationsvillageoises…) qui servent de relais de pouvoir. Le maillage transnational de ces institutionsconstitue le creuset de reproduction d'une géographie morale qui maintient les émigrésdans un jeu d'obligation envers ceux qui sont restés. Enfin, à travers l'exemple des projetsde développement pour les villages de départ, cet article examine la façon dont le territoiretransnational devient un véritable enjeu de négociation des droits et obligations des acteursen migration.

During the 1990s, Uganda has been increasingly highlighted for its success in fighting HIV/AIDS. In 2004, state actors questioned the main prevention strategy: the ABC strategy (Abstain, Be faithful, use a Condom). The emphasis on abstinence and reluctance to promote condoms promptly aroused a controversy. This controversy soon became linked with the controversial debates on the new U.S.emergency plan for AIDS relief, which allows special funding for abstinence education. Taking the ABC controversy as a start, this work questions how policy is produced and changes in a situation of extraversion. Are international actors forcing change in Uganda? How do international and national dynamics combine to shape HIV prevention policy in Uganda? Do peripheral states participate to define policy problems and international controversies? By studying the closeness and the links between Ugandan and American actors, we show there is a certain form of transnational policy continuity. Transnational networks of multi-positioned actors contribute to the continuity between national and international levels. Ugandan actors benefit from some autonomy. Their response to HIV is deeply rooted in their historical, social and political background. Struggles for power and legitimacy at the national level still are a strong driving force of policy-making. Policy is finally entrenched in the complex equilibrium among actors acting at the national level (among which are international actors). Transnational alliances and actions are a way for actors to strengthen their legitimacy. ; Dans les années 1990, l'Ouganda est progressivement mis en avant pour son succès dans la lutte contre le VIH/sida. En 2004, les acteurs étatiques ougandais semblent revenir sur la stratégie de prévention du VIH qui incarnait ce succès : la stratégie ABC (Abstain, Be faithful, use a Condom). Les réticences envers les préservatifs et l'accent mis sur la promotion de l'abstinence soulèvent rapidement une controverse. Celle-ci se mêle aux débats sur le nouveau plan ...

the purpose of this article is to contribute to a better knowledge of the participants in international accounting standardisation since the introduction of the new system in 2001. The reference to the expert's place in the development of standards on the one hand and on transnational governance on the other hand suggests the concept of an epistemic community to qualify international standard-setters. After a historical perspective of international accounting standards institutions and an analysis of the organisation's statutes with regard to the required profiles, the relevance of this concept is discussed. An analysis of the composition of certain bodies of the system reveals the nature of the expertise, the existence of shared values and the adherence to a certain way of establishing standards. ; The purpose of this paper is to characterize the participants involved in the setting of international accounting standards since 2001. The reference to studies on the role of the expert in standard-setting on the one hand, and in the field of transnational governance on the other hand leads to suggest the concept of epistemic community in order to describe the international standard setters. Following a historical description of the international accounting standard-setting institutions and an analysis of the successive constitutions on the required profiles, the relevance of this concept is discussed. An analysis of the membership of some of the bodies of the international institution highlights the nature of the expertise, the existence of shared values and the adhesion to a one best way of making standards. ; the purpose of this article is to contribute to a better knowledge of the participants in international accounting standardisation since the introduction of the new system in 2001. The reference to the expert's place in the development of standards on the one hand and on transnational governance on the other hand suggests the concept of an epistemic community to qualify international standard-setters. After ...

Despite the fact that Benin and Ghana are facing the same public health challenges with regards to malaria control, they do not deploy the same kind of drug policies to guarantee access to quality and affordable medicines for the population. Their national drug regulation authorities and local production capacities are different. These differences stem from their colonial heritage and their divergent historical, political and economic paths. Since 2004, Benin and Ghana have adopted Artemisinin-based Combination Therapies (ACTs) to replace the old pharmaceuticals deemed ineffective for the treatment of malaria. The challenge for the two countries is the high cost of these new drugs. The WHO guidelines and international funding for the purchase of ACTs are stimulating pharmaceutical innovation and production in Europe, North America and Asia. In Benin and Ghana, an arena of transnational actors is gradually being set up to supply ACTs. They generate new supply networks that compete with existing ones in the two countries. Financial aid is conditional on the purchase of WHO prequalified ACTs, certification that the Ghanaian pharmaceutical industries do not enjoy, leaving them on the sidelines of this market. Faced with the demands and conditions imposed by transnational actors, countries have little room for maneuver in the conduct of their public policies. Based on archives, interviews and ethnographic surveys carried out with national actors in pharmaceutical regulation, Ghanaian pharmaceutical companies and transnational actors financing ACTs, this work investigates the institutional mechanisms on which the states of Benin and Ghana rely to deploy their national drug policy and build their pharmaceutical sovereignty. ; Le Bénin et le Ghana, bien que confrontés aux mêmes enjeux de santé publique dans la lutte contre le paludisme, ne déploient pas les mêmes politiques pharmaceutiques nationales afin de garantir à la population l'accès à des médicaments de qualité et abordables financièrement. Ils sont équipés ...

Despite the fact that Benin and Ghana are facing the same public health challenges with regards to malaria control, they do not deploy the same kind of drug policies to guarantee access to quality and affordable medicines for the population. Their national drug regulation authorities and local production capacities are different. These differences stem from their colonial heritage and their divergent historical, political and economic paths. Since 2004, Benin and Ghana have adopted Artemisinin-based Combination Therapies (ACTs) to replace the old pharmaceuticals deemed ineffective for the treatment of malaria. The challenge for the two countries is the high cost of these new drugs. The WHO guidelines and international funding for the purchase of ACTs are stimulating pharmaceutical innovation and production in Europe, North America and Asia. In Benin and Ghana, an arena of transnational actors is gradually being set up to supply ACTs. They generate new supply networks that compete with existing ones in the two countries. Financial aid is conditional on the purchase of WHO prequalified ACTs, certification that the Ghanaian pharmaceutical industries do not enjoy, leaving them on the sidelines of this market. Faced with the demands and conditions imposed by transnational actors, countries have little room for maneuver in the conduct of their public policies. Based on archives, interviews and ethnographic surveys carried out with national actors in pharmaceutical regulation, Ghanaian pharmaceutical companies and transnational actors financing ACTs, this work investigates the institutional mechanisms on which the states of Benin and Ghana rely to deploy their national drug policy and build their pharmaceutical sovereignty. ; Le Bénin et le Ghana, bien que confrontés aux mêmes enjeux de santé publique dans la lutte contre le paludisme, ne déploient pas les mêmes politiques pharmaceutiques nationales afin de garantir à la population l'accès à des médicaments de qualité et abordables financièrement. Ils sont équipés ...

The 'globalecity' has become a very popular subject for some 15 years. However, the active participation of the cities in the interconnection movements summarised as globalisation is missing from this literature. It is assumed here that, as actors and subjects, cities through their political embodiment, that of urban municipal governments, are more than mere areas where globalisation is taking place. Exchanges between and on the functioning of these urban municipal governments, their action and their institutional situation are considered to contribute to the construction of transnational interconnection phenomena, whether regional or global. This article proposes a first approach to the 'municipal canvas' built between and with urban municipal governments in contemporary times. It includes municipal governments, elected representatives and municipal employees, but also savers and reformers; intergovernmental bodies, domestic and transnational non-governmental organisations as well as sections of national or sub-national governments, without omitting companies operating in the urban market. It organises and channels the circulation of ideas, people, services between and about urban municipal governments. The article pays particular attention to the stakeholders, materials of this web and the objects that travel it, highlighting the long-term effects of this network of contacts and exchanges that has been in place since the end of the 19th century. ; International audience There has been an outburst of scholarship on world and global cities in the recent years. Though, cities under the guise of political entities, that is municipal urban governments, have not been considered by this literature as having a relevant degree of agency in the process of interconnection that have been named globalisation. While they are both agents and subjects of this process, their part has been neglected or considered under a very limited chronological angle. This article offers an approach to the 'municipal web' that has developed ...

In this paper, we using the word diaspora as a social category of belonging manipulate by political actors in order to create a collective subject across the divisions. Our analysis question the including factors and the relevance of the concepts of State, border and sovereignty in trying to understand the mechanisms by which India and Tamil Nadu attempt to include their overseas communities in a federative body that they call Indian diaspora or Tamil diaspora. ; Dans cette communication, nous employons la diaspora comme une catégorie sociale de l'appartenance manipulée et instrumentalisée par des acteurs principalement politiques afin de créer un sujet collectif par delà les clivages. Notre analyse interroge les facteurs d'inclusion, et la pertinence des concepts d'Etat, de frontière et de souveraineté en tâchant de comprendre les mécanismes par lesquels l'Union Indienne et le Tamil Nadu essaient désespérément d'inclure leurs communautés exilées dans un ensemble fédérateur et homogène qu'ils nomment soit diaspora indienne, soit diaspora tamoule.