Suchergebnisse

Die Arbeit analysiert die im Zuge von Krisenprotesten in Spanien entstandene 15M-Bewegung im Hinblick auf ihre Strategien, Effekte und insbesondere Transnationalisierungsprozesse. Unter Rückgriff auf qualitative Methoden wie Interviews und Teilnehmende Beobachtung wird ein ethnographischer multi-lokaler Forschungsansatz verfolgt, der es vermag die Praxis und Selbstwahrnehmung der Akteur_innen in Madrid und Berlin nachzuzeichnen. Hierbei stellt die Arbeit Verflechtungslinien von sozialen Bewegungen und transnationaler (innereuropäischer) Migration in einer Krisenkonstellation heraus, die eine Europäisierung ganz eigener Art hervorbringen. Dabei werden die Kontinuität und das Wirken der politischen Praxis an mehreren Standorten durch die Reorganisierung unter den gleichen Labels deutlich. Die Arbeit zeigt, wie sich die Akteur_innen innerhalb der Erosion ihrer Lebensverhältnisse Möglichkeitsräume erarbeiten und über zweierlei Formen von Bewegungen Selbstermächtigung erlangen – über die aktive Teilnahme an einer sozialen Bewegungen sowie über die mobile Bewegung in der Migration. Die analytische Verknüpfung von Ansätzen zu Krisentheorie(n), sozialen Bewegungen und Migration erweist sich als äußerst produktiv und stellt die Arbeit in neue Forschungsansätze im Rahmen einer ethnographisch fundierten, reflexiven Europäisierungsforschung. ; The thesis analyses the spanish 15M movement in the context of crisis protests. It focusses on the strategies, effects and overall processes of transnationalization. With qualitative methods such as interviews and participant observation it develops an ethnographic and multi-local research approach with which practises and self-perceptions of the actors in Madrid and Berlin is shown. At this juncture the author strengthens the interrelations of social movements and transnational (innereuropean) migration in a constellation of crisis, which produce an own mode of europeanization. It becomes apparent that the political practise continues and takes effect at different sites through the reorganisation under the same labels. The work shows how the actors create a space of possibilities during the erosion of their living conditions and gain self empowerment through two forms of movements: first with the active participation in a social movement, second with the mobile movement in the migration. The analytical combination of approaches dealing with theories on crisis, social movements and migration is very productive. It relates the work in the new field of ethnographic reflexive research on europeanization.

So sehr internationale Politik durch komplexe Interaktionen "großer" Akteure (Staaten, Organisationen, transnationale Netzwerke) bestimmt wird, so beeinflussen auch individuelle Akteure die Geschehnisse entscheidend. Letzteres trifft auf Obama und die Nichtverbreitung von Atomwaffen zu. Die erfolgreiche Überprüfungskonferenz des Nichtverbreitungsvertrags im Mai 2010 hat viel mit dem sich nach seiner Prager Rede ausprägenden "Obama-Faktor" zu tun. (WeltTrends / SWP)

The author of this article contends that states are no longer the only foreign policy actors. Transnational businesses & non-governmental organizations have at their disposal much larger budgets, bigger foreign representations, & more specialized knowledge than states. According to the author, a close partnership between the actors is desirable. Also, international law should recognize the changing conditions that are taking place in the world. References. Adapted from the source document.

Twitter hat sich für viele Disziplinen zu einem wichtigen Untersuchungsgegenstand und einer interessanten Datenquelle entwickelt. Jedoch wird die Kommunikationsplattform von Forscher*innen der transnationalen und Internationalen Beziehungen (IB) bislang wenig untersucht. Unter den verschiedenen sozialen Medien wird Twitter am intensivsten von politischen Akteur*innen genutzt. Dies liegt vor allem an der Zugänglichkeit, Öffentlichkeit und Schnelllebigkeit der Plattform. Twitter schafft so einen digitalen öffentlichen Diskursraum, in dem verschiedene Akteur*innen länderübergreifend und ohne Zeitverzögerung direkt miteinander interagieren können. In diesem Beitrag möchten wir aufzeigen, wie Twitter von Akteur*innen im Bereich der internationalen Politik genutzt werden kann, mit besonderem Fokus auf internationalen Verhandlungen. Abschließend erörtern wir die Möglichkeiten und Herausforderungen, die sich für Forscher*innen der IB bei der Nutzung von Twitter-Daten ergeben können. ; Twitter has become an important object of study and an interesting source of data for many disciplines. However, the communication platform has been little studied by researchers of transnational and international relations (IR). Among the various social media, Twitter is used most intensively by political actors. This is mainly due to the accessibility, publicity and fast-moving nature of the platform. Twitter thus creates a digital public discourse space in which different actors can interact directly with each other across countries and without delay. In this paper, we will show how Twitter can be used by actors in the field of international politics, with a special focus on international negotiations. Finally, we discuss the opportunities and challenges that IBR researchers may face when using Twitter data. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/acceptedVersion

While state actors frequently have difficulties in dealing with non-state armed actors, transnational NGOs have developed strategies that aim specifically at the proliferation of and general adherence to international norms among non-state armed actors ("norm diffusion"). It is their goal to persuade non-state armed actors to accept international humanitarian law norms and to adapt their behaviour accordingly. As such, the ICRC offers trainings in international humanitarian law to armed actors, and explains their responsibilities with regard to the protection of civilians in military operations to them. The organisation Geneva Call provides education in the field of antipersonnel landmines and supports armed actors in their efforts to clear mined areas and to destroy stockpiles. But with which methods and under which circumstances can the ICRC and Geneva Call succeed in influencing non-state armed actors to change their behaviour according to international norms? The paper analyses the problems and risks as well as the opportunities of norm diffusion between the ICRC and Geneva Call, respectively, and non-state armed actors. Adapted from the source document.

Mainz-based political science Gerd Mielke presents counter-positions to the argument that a so-called transnational coding of social conflict can make the transfer of a national model of the public sphere feasible for the European level, as brought forward by Ulrich K. Preuss in this issue. Mielke does not believe that the competent national and European actors have enough political will to engage in transnational discourse. The author also argues that the fall of the Iron Curtain and the multitude of EU member states have made the creation of transnational public spheres much more difficult. Lastly, proponents of a market liberal ideology among the many EU states are not interested in national political-normative public spheres. For these and further reasons, it can be sceptically concluded that ideas concerning a European public are indeed a mirage. Adapted from the source document

Current political actors are faced with the dilemma that increasing global interdependence leads to growing transnational challenges and rapid social change in which their individual acting looses power. Successful adaptation of national structures depends on several factors, including institutional conditions and a strategic organization of politics. The present article discusses German political science regarding a reorientation based on American research, focusing on an aspect of political leadership that is generally neglected; the follower. References. O. van Zijl