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Our aim in this article is to identify the major transnational actors and to describe how they have influenced Latin American politics and development from the 1950s to the present. Transnational actors are defined as those collective actors (here non-governmental) whose membership and activities are transnational. Specifically ex-amined are the multinationals, the Catholic Church, international labor confederations, and guerrilla movements. The historical context within which we study these actors has two periods : early import substitution (1954-65) and late import substitution and export substitution (1965 to present). In each period the state pursue s a development strategy with the support of particular class alliances. For each period we describe how the transnational actors contribute to the successes and failures of these strategies. The causal relations are also reciprocal, for the actors evolve and adapt to the changing developmental context. For example, the multinationals shift from raw material extraction to manufacturing while the Church shifts from conservatism to the theology of liberation. The general trends in the activities of transnational actors over the post war period are interpreted with respect to the twin polarities of the development process : opression - liberation, integration - autonomy.

Diaspora minorities have become significant political actors, especially in Europe. They contribute to reshaping host States, preserving identities that are increasingly guaranteed by specific legislation. They have an international impact, drawing on transnational projects & structures, & by generating original relations between host- & home-States, which are more complex than traditional bilateral relations. Adapted from the source document.

The hypothesis of European Systems distinct from that or those composed of States is not new. In order to utilize this hypothesis effectively cognizance must be taken, in addition to the multiplicity of actors, of the rivalry of their projects and their strategies. Such an approach to the European reality would contribute to the construction of a new and useful model provided that certain methodological procedures are respected.
Research efforts with respect to integration must not be subordinated to the examination of relations of interdependence within the international System. Ostensively structured to renew the problematics of integration, a thesis of that nature is in fact akin to the older « realist » paradigm. Rather, one would hope to benefit from the findings of research respecting transnational relations and to incorporate them with the more institutional concerns of integration theory. This theoretical mix is expressed by a network model, which respects the specific, multiple and hierarchic combination that characterizes integrationist phenomena.
The "European network" model possesses two registers. Globally, there is the operator or System of relations that transforms or "translates" relations among groups. At this level, the model makes it possible to effectively describe the makeup of political Europe. Locally, the network is a assemblage of structures or hierarchic and stable sets that assume the form of alliances or of groupings, conflicts or shared ventures.
Two further concepts are necessary to activate the network model: those of the "position" and "strategy" of the actors. The former is founded on dynamic oppositions and involves categorization of "major" and "minor" actors whose relations are analyzed by a consideration of the network's structures of order. The concept of "strategy" seeks to give expression to the relationship between the organizational mode of a social group and its representation. By attempting a synthesis of the "Marxist" approach of integration and the study of "transgovernmental" relations, this concept could be applied to the European States.

This paper proceeds from the premise that profound changes have transformed the structure of world politics and that, consequently, a new, transnational paradigm of the global system needs to be developed. All the existing paradigms are found to be incapable of handling the proliferation of actors, the declining capacities of governments, the mushrooming of subgroup loyalties, the growing demands of the Third World, and the expansion of the range of issues on the global agenda - to mention only the most salient of the transformations that have rendered world politics both more decentralized and more complex. What is needed, it is argued, is a model organized around micro units of analysis that are common to both the new and old actors, issues, and structures and that thus form the foundation of the many new macro aggregations which have come to share the world stage with governments and international organizations.
After developing a conception of four types of aggregational processes through which micro parts are converted into macro wholes, the analysis focuses on two types of transnational roles as worthy of consideration as the basic micro units of the new paradigm. The two types are designated as primitive and derivative roles. The former refers to roles in macro units that would not exist if their activities did not span national boundaries (the multinational corporation is an example), while the latter refers to roles in macro aggregations that do not depend on transnational interactions for their existence even though performances in them to have transnational consequences (examples are farmers, parents, and car drivers, who are both active and inadvertent participants in, respectively, today's global food, population, and energy issues).
Whatever the issue involved, and irrespective of whether they are primitive or derivative, all transnational roles can be located on a legitimacy-authority continuum and seen as varying between two extremes, one which gives exclusive priority to the citizen role in a nation-state and the other which accords exclusive loyalty to the transnational role. The tourist and the terrorist are offered as examples of roles at the two extremes of this important continuum.

How did intellectuals and politicians confirm or reinforce national categories, even when they ostensibly promoted visions of an international community? The article addresses this question through a case study of the League of Nations' mechanisms for intellectual cooperation. After a brief discussion of institutional aspects, namely the establishment of League-affiliated committees and institutes in the 1920s, the article focuses on the interplay of transnational and national practices. National actors -- for instance intellectuals and organisations from Central and Eastern Europe -- targeted the League bodies, evoking both cultural internationalism and national interests. Furthermore, nationhood was projected at international congresses -- sometimes openly, sometimes in more subtle terms -- with the pronouncements of delegates from Fascist Italy providing an interesting case in point. Finally, the article discusses how individuals sought to reconcile the multilayered nature of their activities; to this end, it considers several figures who were involved in the League's efforts to foster a 'societe des esprits'. Adapted from the source document.

Examines the role of globalization & fragmentation in the 1990s on proposed changes in the UN. Critics skeptical of the UN's relevance in interventions in international crises indicate the body's lack of planning for unexpected political events. It is argued that while essential to the UN's charter, the input & integration of transnational actors into decisions & debates remain unequal & unsystematic. Structural reform proposals to rationalize & renovate the UN, & conceptual reforms aimed at reinforcing its role in promoting sustainable development & "peaceable culture,' as well as preventing crisis, are discussed. J. Sadler

In the 1960s & 1970s, international adoption became a transnational social phenomenon, largely due to the commitment of organizations like Terre des Hommes. The study of this new international player & nascent phenomenon allows us to assess the relationship between states & transnational actors. The governments of the children's countries of origin, for example South Korea, wartime Vietnam or Colombia, granted organizations like Terre des Hommes little more than the minimum sphere necessary to carry out their work. In France, the government developed a regulatory environment in accordance with the ongoing debate on international adoption. As a result of the evolving philosophy towards this social phenomenon, together with dissension within the organization itself, Terre des Hommes revised its position on this form of aid to the Third World, moving from involvement to renunciation. Adapted from the source document.

Since the fall of communism, a vast body of literature has been devoted to the transfers to the east of international norms, rules & standards in public policy. Rather than view this process via the study of export rationales (alternately seen as virtuous or asymmetrical) or import rationales (supposedly passive or zealous), this article examines the concrete mechanisms through which "social problems," policies are devised & remodeled as the various local, regional & transnational actors take them up. Starting with a study of the role of NGOs in the construction of minority issues in Bulgaria, it highlights the multiple ways in which the categories & international priorities are shaped by Bulgarian leaders that have learned to use the international repertoire to position themselves on a competitive domestic market. The analysis also underscores the fragile, porous nature of borders between what is presented as pertaining to export or import due to the multipositionality of agents that are both "local" & integrated into transnational networks, even involved in formulating recommendations for so-called "export" institutions. In place of the "export/import" pair, it might be heuristic to substitute the notion of circulating themes & mechanism, while investigating their integration into local histories. Adapted from the source document.

This research note examines the Canadian public health and security policies during the 2009-2010 H1N1 pandemic in order to situate them in the broader context of global health governance. By focusing on criticisms and recommendations expressed in relation to the Canadian experience of the management of the H1N1 pandemic, we seek to analyze the policy responses of Canada regarding this health crisis by establishing a comparison between the Canadian assessments of the pandemic and those made by other countries and organizations. By analysing Canadian evaluation reports, and situating them in the broader context of the international criticisms made to WHO, we argue that, in the context of the globalization of health risks and the proliferation of transnational actors, Canada has not been able to adequately take into account the role of the private sector in public health policies as well as its consequences on the nature of health governance. Adapted from the source document.

This article highlights the issues & challenges facing the transnational liberal perspective in the context of the current struggle against international terrorism. The author explores three manifestations of the process of securitization in Canada: the rise in racial profiling practices, the troubling double standard of citizenship, & the increasing control & surveillance over transnational movements & crossings. He argues that the new parameters on which the issue of security is framed in Canada have concrete effects on citizen practices. They illustrate a current trend towards re-problematizing the relationships between security, liberty, & citizenship. The article shows that such rise in security concerns signals the end of the transnational climax & opens the door to new forms of exceptional practices that are symptomatic of the resurgence of a national security State. As a result, the security climate arising out of the fight against international terrorism invites to are-questioning of the core transnational liberal proposals in relation to, first, the power & influence of non-State actors in international politics &, second, the declining State power as a result of globalization. Adapted from the source document.

This text aims to assess the ability of four theoretical frameworks, derived from the International Relations field, of explaining the role the international environment can play in the political evolution of semi-authoritarian regimes. The so-called Color Revolutions, which occurred in Georgia, Ukraine, & Kyrgyzstan between 2003 & 2005 are used as a case study. Each of these theoretical frameworks focuses on a different transmission mechanism: first on the strategic ideological influence of external actors on the national scene, second on the diffusion of norms & ideas between national & transnational civic societies, third on the transfer of norms from Western democracies to semi-autocratic regimes, & eventually on the strategic interaction between actors at the national & international levels. Adapted from the source document.