Suchergebnisse

Published ; Introduction Brazil recently experienced one of the world's worst environmental disasters when the Samarco mining company's Fundão tailings dam burst. This tragic disaster, which occurred on 5 November, 2015, killed 17 people, swept away a district of the town of Mariana, polluted the Rio Doce river valley and degraded the water supply of 35 towns, negatively affecting the lives of millions of Brazilians (Aragão & Paes, 2016), and even impacting the waters of the South Atlantic. This was the world's worst environmental disaster involving a tailings dam to date (Bowker, 2015). As of June 2016, polluted sediment was still washing through the river and Samarco had still not paid the fines imposed on it. The mining company, jointly controlled by Australian-based multinational BHP Billiton and Brazil's Vale, was previously recognized as a leader in environmental standards, receiving numerous international awards and certifications (as did its joint owners). Although it is still too early to confirm with any certainty, since the investigations are still underway, there is evidence that this disaster was the result of a lack of adequate regulation, both by the market and by the state (Phillips, 2015). [.]

Ulusaşırı eylemcilik son dönem dünya siyasetinin birçok alanında (insan hakları, çevre, kadın hakları, kalkınma ve barış vb.) giderek ivme kazanan bir dinamik haline gelmiştir. Bu çalışma öncelikle belli başlı uluslararası ilişkiler teorilerinin ulusaşırı eylemciliğe nasıl baktığını değerlendirmektedir. Realist teoriler bu aktörlerin etkinliği konusuna şüphe ile yaklaşırken inşacı ve sosyolojik kurumsalcı yaklaşımlar ulusaşırı aktörlerin dünya siyasetinde etkin bir rol alabileceklerine destek vermektedirler. Makalenin önemli kısmını ulusaşırı aktörlerin ne zaman, nasıl ve hangi koşullarda uluslararası ilişkilerin kayda değer bir unsuru olabileceklerine dair olan tartışma oluşturmaktadır. Çalışma, ulusaşırı aktörlerin devlet merkezli Vestfalyan uluslararası sisteme meydan okuduklarını belirtirken bu aktörlerin aynı zamanda önemli eksiklikler içerdiğini iddia etmektedir. Nihai olarak çalışma, ulusaşırı eylemcilik/aktör konusunun uluslararası ilişkiler araştırmacıları için önemli fırsatlar sunduğunu savunmaktadır. ; Transnational activism has become increasingly salient dynamics of world politics in several issue areas including human rights, environment, development, women"s rights, and peace. The article first assesses how major International Relations theories look at them. While realist theories do not take them seriously, constructivism and sociological institutionalism underline the fact that transnational actors can matter in world politics. An important component of this study is that it assesses when, how, and under what conditions transnational actors can matter in international relations. Finally, the study examines areas in which transnational actors pose challenges for state-centric Westphalian international system while suggesting that they also suffer from notable limitations. In the end, the article calls for the existence of opportunities for further research.

The enactment of the FCPA and the formation of the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention created two historical events for theoretical analysis: because the FCPA unprecedentedly criminalized transnational bribery in 1977, its wisdom was initially questioned. Then, since the Convention endorsed the FCPA approach in 1997, academic focus was shifted to the practical effect of the Convention in controlling transnational bribery-—which is also the topic of this study. ; This study develops argument based on an awareness of the limitation of a popular methodology in current literature-—the problem-solving paradigm. This paradigm is grounded in the rational-choice tradition, assumes signatories' enforcement of the Convention as resulting from their self-serving purposes, labels the current level of Convention enforcement as "ineffective-enforcement", and borrows solutions from conventional collective action theories to prescribe. This paradigm well explains why most signatories have brought few enforcement actions. Yet its excessive commitment to orthodoxies prevents scholars from grasping the uniqueness of the collaboration and prescribing successful solutions. Besides, it avoids explaining why some signatories have indeed enforced the Convention. A historical approach that draws causality from a process's historicity is thus proposed as a supplementary methodology. ; This study analyzes signatories' compliance with the Convention by four steps: First, it explains a seemingly outdated but unexplained question—the dynamic of the institutionalization of the OECD anti-bribery collaboration, and finds that the central institutions did not result from signatories' trading off conflicting values and interests, but from their attempts to coordinate demands of different stakeholders within given institutional contexts. ; Second, this study explains why most signatories tend to defect rather than faithfully enforce the Convention, following the logic of the problem-solving paradigm: destabilizing factors in the indigenous collaboration ...

This chapter provides an overview of the emerging field of transnational constitutional law (TCL). Whilst questions of constitutional law are typically discussed in the context of a specific domestic legal setting, a salient strategy of TCL is to understand constitutional law and its values by placing them 'in context' with existing and evolving cultural norms and political, social and economic discourses and struggles. Drawing on socio-legal investigations into the relationships between law and non-law and the significance of legal pluralism, TCL considers what role constitutional law and its values might play in shaping and bringing about social and legal transformation within an emerging global economic order in which non-territorially confined spaces of struggle involve transnational actors and social formation dynamics. TCL thus emerges out of constitutional law in a transnational legal context. Based on Zumbansen's concept of Transnational Law (TL) as a methodological framework to study the Actors, Norms and Processes of legal formations in a global context, rather than positing TL as a distinct legal field, we examine transnational constitutional law phenomena in their social, political and economic contexts. This allows us to revisit and reassess well-known constitutional law concepts such as the rule of law, equality and access to justice in a new light, in particular where we confront – in this paper – legacies of these concepts in both the Global North and South. This engagement renders visible lived experiences of constitutional law and constitutionalism in local and transnational contexts, drawing attention to the growing number of those who have, through processes of globalisation, fallen out of, or were never made party to, the Western 'social contract'. We present TCL as emerging on two levels. On a macro level, studies of comparative constitutional law and post-colonial approaches to law shine light on processes of globalisation and financialization as they manifest themselves in conflictual dynamics within trade law, and international human rights law, with regard to civil, socio-economic and cultural rights. TCL also emerges on a micro level through careful ethnographic and anthropological studies that examine different forms of what Saskia Sassen persuasively coined "Expulsions", meaning struggles and resistance against different forms of expropriation, eviction or alienation, within volatile economic and political landscapes. Finally, our transnational critique of the 'rule of law' reflects our hope for a 'thick' and historically reflective RoL concept. In

"09 April 2002"--P. iii. ; Includes bibliographical references (p. 23-27) ; Mode of access: Internet.

This paper lies within the Latin America democratization studies, emphasizing the activity of politicians and political parties as transnational actors and considering the interconnection between different levels (local, national and international) was one of the main resour­ces for politicians in democratization contexts. Through them, they built personal relationships networks in a transnational level as a decisive strategy to accumulate power, prestige and other resources. Socialist International missions will be addressed as an example of political action, little considered by specialized literature but very influential at that time. ; Este artículo se inscribe dentro de la tradición de estudios sobre la democratización en América Latina, poniendo énfasis en la acción de los políticos y los partidos en tanto actores trasnacionales, considerando que la interconexión entre los diferentes planos (local, nacional e internacional) fue uno de los principales recursos con los que contaban los políticos en los contextos de democratización y que mediante ellos generaron redes de relaciones personales trasnacionales como una estrategia determinante para la acumulación de poder, prestigio y otros recursos. Se abordará el caso de las misiones de la Internacional Socialista como ejemplo de una forma de acción política poco considerada por la literatura especializada, pero muy influyente en la época.

Neben staatlichen Organisationen (z.B. Bildungsministerien) und internationalen Organisationen (z.B. UNESCO) sind inzwischen weltweit auch transnationale Organisationen als Akteure im Bildungsbereich anzutreffen. Einige davon lassen sich dezidiert als Bildungsorganisationen identifizieren und sind wichtige Akteure in transnationalen Bildungsräumen verschiedener Art. Hochschulen gründen beispielsweise gebührenpflichtige Dependancen im Ausland. Transnationale Bildungsunternehmen wie etwa Sprachenschulen oder Nachhilfeinstitute, sind weit verbreitet. Multinationale Wirtschaftsunternehmen gründen eigen Akademien oder so genannte 'corporate universities' für die grenzüberschreitende die Fort- oder Weiterbildung ihres Personals. Ein transnationaler Bildungsraum wird auch durch 'International Schools' konstituiert, die nicht-nationale Curricula und Abschlüsse wie das Internationale Bakkalaureat vergeben. Nichtregierungsorganisationen (NROs) betreiben grenzüberschreitende Bildungstransfers in der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit. Ziel des vorliegenden Beitrags ist es, die verwendete Begrifflichkeit – transnational, Bildungsraum, Bildungsorganisation – zunächst möglichst genau zu definieren, bevor in einem weiteren Schritt der Versuch unternommen wird, die Erscheinungen zu ordnen und eine Typologie zu entwerfen. Am Ende dieses Beitrags werden einige grundlegende Hypothesen skizziert, die für solche Forschungen leitend sein könnten. ; Besides governmental organisations (e.g. education ministries) and international organisations (e.g. UNESCO) transnational organisations have appeared worldwide as a rather new set of actors in what is here called 'transnational educational spaces': Migrants who combine multiple cross border educational careers instead of a unidirectional integration into the education system of their new host country create transnational educational space. Non-state actors in higher education offering programmes or branch campuses overseas, profit-seeking transnational educational firms selling tutoring, teaching and certificates on the global market, and transnational enterprises creating their own corporate universities or academies for teaching and capacity building of their personnel, - all of them my be analysed as actors in 'transnational educational spaces'. Likewise international schools teaching worldwide according to non-national curricula and certificates, and non-governmental advocacy organisations preaching 'Education for All', may also be said to act in 'transnational educational spaces'. Such phenomena may be discusses and researched from a vast variety of perspectives like biographies, lifestyles, attitudes, achievement, networks or mobility patterns. In this article the stress is on organization operating in these fields, because transnational educational organizations compete and interact with national and international ones, and thus pose a challenge to the taken-for-granted concept of national education systems. After clarifying the concept of transnational educational spaces the article will therefore focus especially on organizations acting in these fields, which may be identified as genuinely educational organizations, and offer a typology which might be useful for further research. (DIPF/Orig.)

During recent decades, the arenas of political decision-making have increasingly shifted from national governments to intergovernmental and transnational political forums. At the same time, the number and relevance of non-state actors in international politics is steadily growing. These trends have led political scientists to study and theorize about new forms of democracy beyond the national political arenas (Archibugi 2004, Bexell et al. 2010, Nasström 2010). However, democracy beyond the nation state is difficult to conceptualize with the idea of an institutionalized democracy within the borders of nation-states. Instead, many political scientists emphasize the role of civil society actors as a cure for the democratic deficit in inter-national politics (Steffek & Nanz 2008). Yet, normative and empirical problems arise over the extent of access, selection and role of civil society actors in international organizations (Tallberg et al. 2013). Furthermore, the normative relevance of transnational civil society actors makes it necessary to study their own democratic legitimacy. While international organizations are mostly institutionalized and hierarchical governing bodies, the ever growing diffuse conglomerate of non-state actors is characterized by fluid structures, blurry boundaries and a multi-level setting of interaction (Keck & Sikkink 1998). Thus, in studying democratic practice in transnational civil society networks, we must ask: How institutionalized do political practices have to be and how flexible can they be, to still be considered democratic? Normative theorists reconceptualized democracy in the light of this changing context (Bohman 2007). Recent concepts of participatory, deliberative and representative democracy attempt to reconfigure existing democratic institutions through procedural elements (Fung & Wright 2003, Dryzek 2006) or innovative forms of representation (Phillips 1998, Mansbridge 2003, Castiglione & Warren 2006). This emerging theoretical framework is well suited to analyze the extent, to which democratic practices exist within transnational civil society networks. By applying the concept of practice (Giddens 1984, Schatzki et al. 2005) as a bridging tool between the empirical reality of fluid, temporary and open transnational civil society networks on the one hand and the institution-oriented democratic theory on the other hand, this study explores the extent to which democratic practice develops in a field that lacks traditional institutions to guarantee citizen participation. As innovative transnational actors, civil society networks can bring up new forms of democratic practice (see Polletta 2006) that can potentially inspire the debate about transnational democracy as such. This study, with its innovate approach, hopes to invigorate the debate about transnational democracy and transnational civil society, which has stalled to some degree in recent years. The study is divided into three parts; first, a conceptual part that clarifies the question of how democracy as practice can be theoretically conceptualized in transnational civil society net-works, which is followed by an empirical exploration of political practices in the transnational civil society networks. In this second part, the main question is how participation, representation and deliberation practice develops in transnational civil society networks. Two cases of transnational civil society networks, the Clean Clothes Campaign and Friends of the Earth, are analyzed to provide insights into the democratic practice within transnational civil society. In the final part, the empirical findings are evaluated in the light of the outlined concepts of democratic theory in order to explore how democratic these political practices actually are. The study identifies implicit and in-process practices of democratic norms in transnational civil society networks. Political practice in transnational civil society networks can become demo-cratic through empowerment measures and trustful relationships. However, deliberate demo-cratic practice can be impeded by disembodied digital communication and complex decision-making. The study explores how new forms of democratic practice emerge in the interaction between political actors and the structural environments of actors and networks. ; Während der letzten Jahrzehnte haben sich die Arenen politischer Entscheidungsfindung immer mehr von nationalen Regierungen hinein in intergouvernmentale und transnationale politische Foren verschoben. Zur gleichen Zeit sind die Anzahl und Relevanz von Nichtregierungsorganisationen erheblich gestiegen. Diese Entwicklungen haben PolitikwissenschaftlerInnen dazu angeregt über neue Formen von Demokratie jenseits des Nationalstaats zu forschen und konzeptionell zu arbeiten (Archibugi 2004, Bexell et al. 2010, Nasström 2010). Demokratie jenseits des Nationalstaates ist allerdings sehr schwierig zu konzeptionalisieren im Rahmen einer institutionalisierten Auffassung von nationalstaatlicher Demokratie. Dahingegen haben viele ForscherInnen die Rolle von Zivilgesellschaft als ein Heilmittel gegen das Demokratiedefizit internationaler Politik hervorgehoben (Steffek & Nanz 2008). Hier entstehen allerdings auch normative und empirische Probleme mit dem Umfang von Zugang, Auswahl und Rolle zivilgesellschaftlicher Akteure in internationalen Organisationen (Tallberg et al. 2013). Darüber hinaus macht diese normative Relevanz transnationaler Zivilgesellschaft es notwendig auch deren demokratische Legitimität zu überprüfen. Während internationale Organisationen mehrheitlich sehr institutionalisiert und hierarchisch aufgebaute Regierungsorgane sind, ist das immer mehr anwachsende Konglomerat an Nichtregierungsorganisationen durch fluide Strukturen, aufgeweichte Grenzen und Mehrebeneninteraktionen geprägt (Keck & Sikkink 1998). Somit müssen wir beim Studium demokratischer Praxis in transnationaler Zivilgesellschaft fragen, wie institutionalisiert oder eben flexibel politische Praxis dort sein soll, um als demokratisch anerkannt zu werden. Einige normative TheoretikerInnen haben Demokratie bereits im Lichte dieser Veränderungen konzeptionalisiert (Bohman 2007). Gegenwärtige Konzepte partizpativer, deliberativer und repräsentativer Demokratie versuchen existierende demokratische Institutionen durch prozedurale Elemente zu rekonfigurieren (Fung & Wright 2003, Dryzek 2006) oder innovative Formen der Repräsentation zu konzipieren (Phillips 1998, Mansbridge 2003, Castiglione & Warren 2006). Dieser wachsende theoretische Rahmen ist sehr gut geeignet um demokratische Praxis in transnationalen zivilgesellschaftlichen Netzwerken zu untersuchen. Mithilfe des Praxiskonzepts (Giddens 1984, Schatzki et al. 2005) als Brücke zwischen der empirischen Realität fluider, temporärer und offener transnationaler zivilgesellschaftlicher Netzwerke auf der einen Seite und institutionen-orientierter Demokratietheorie auf der anderen Seite, will diese Studie erforschen, wie sich demokratische Praxis in einem Feld fast ohne institutionelle Verankerung, entwickelt. Als innovative transnationale Akteure können zivilgesellschaftliche Netzwerke auch neue Formen demokratischer Praxis ´erfinden´ (siehe Polletta 2006), die die Debatte um transnationale Demokratie inspirieren können. Diese Studie hofft deswegen die etwas stagnierte Debatte um transnationale Demokratie und Zivilgesellschaft mit diesem Beitrag beleben zu können. Die Studie ist in drei Teile geteilt; der erste theoretisch- konzeptionelle Teil beschäftigt sich mit den Möglichkeiten einer Konzeptionalisierung von Demokratie als Praxis. Daran anschließend folgt der zweite Teil der empirischen Erforschung politischer Praxis in transnationalen zivilgesellschaftlichen Netzwerken. In diesem zweiten Teil stellt sich die Hauptfrage nach der Entwicklung von Praktiken der Partizipation, Repräsentation und Deliberation in transnationalen zivilgesellschaftlichen Netzwerken. Zwei Fälle werden analysiert: die Clean Clothes Campaign und Friends of the Earth. Im Schlussteil werden die empirischen Ergebnisse in Hinsicht auf die demokratietheoretischen Überlegungen im ersten Teil diskutiert entlang der Frage, wie demokratisch die vorgefundenen politischen Praktiken einzuschätzen sind. Die Studie identifiziert eine implizite und prozedurale Praxis demokratischer Normen. Politische Praxis in transnationalen zivilgesellschaftlichen Netzwerken kann vor allem demokratisch werden durch Empowerment und vertrauensvolle Beziehungen. Trotzdem können z.B. auch deliberative Praktiken durch entkörperlichte, digitale Kommunikation und komplexe Entscheidungsverfahren behindert werden. Diese Studie untersucht, wie neue Formen demokratischer Praxis entstehen in der Interaktion zwischen politischen Akteuren und den strukturellen Verankerungen von Akteuren und Netzwerken.

Since late eighteenth-century Enlightenment, the concept of civil society has increasingly assumed a transnational dimension that has given rise to political debates and attracted scholarly interest. This paper provides a research report and a historical overview of the emergence and transformation of civil society organizations that have transcended national borders and cultural boundaries, especially International Non-Governmental Organizations. Based on deliberations about the definition and conceptualization of 'transnational civil society', the investigation concentrates on the abolitionists, the workers' organizations as well as on peace and on women's movements. The authors suggest that further historical studies of transnational civil society should relate its groups and activists to specific contexts and conditions. They also argue that further research should pay particular attention to the actors of transnational civil society, their performance and representations. Overall, static conceptions of transnational civil society have ignored its flexibility and changeability over the course of the last two centuries. ; Seit der Aufklärung im späten 18. Jahrhundert hat der Begriff Zivilgesellschaft eine zunehmend transnationale Dimension erreicht, die insbesondere politische Diskussionen und wissenschaftliches Interesse auslöste. Das vorliegende Diskussionspapier lässt sich als Forschungsbericht verstehen, der einen historischen Überblick über Auftreten und Transformation zivilgesellschaftlicher Organisationen gibt, die insbesondere national und kulturell grenzüberschreitend institutionalisiert sind, wie beispielsweise internationale Nichtregierungsorganisationen. Auf der Grundlage einer sorgfältigen Analyse von Definition und Konzeption 'transnationaler Zivilgesellschaft', konzentriert sich die Untersuchung vor allem auf die Gegner der Todesstrafe, aber auch Gewerkschaften sowie Friedens- und Frauenbewegungen. Beide Autoren plädieren für eine Auseinandersetzung mit der Thematik aus historischer Perspektive, um insbesondere bestimmte Gruppen und Aktivisten in direkten Bezug zu ihrem historischen Kontext und Vorbedingungen zu stellen. Darüber hinaus heben sie hervor, dass daran anknüpfende Studien gerade den Akteuren, ihrem Auftreten und ihrer Präsentation gewidmet werden sollen. Im Gesamtzusammenhang lässt sich festhalten, dass die bisher eher statisch geprägten Untersuchungen zum Forschungsschwerpunkt 'transnationale Zivilgesellschaft' insbesondere die Flexibilität und Unbeständigkeit derselbigen in den letzten beiden Jahrhunderten nicht berücksichtigten.

The German political foundations (politische Stiftungen) have played an important role facilitating party cooperation in countries in transition from authoritarian rule and, more recently, in the context of the transformation of Central and Eastern European Countries (CEEC). As party-related, publicly financed and largely autonomous organisations, these foundations are specific transnational actors. This chapter deals with both theoretical and empirical aspects of the study of EU enlargement, focussing particularly on the party cooperation preceding the accession of new member states. An analysis of the transnational cooperation between the European party federations and the political foundations in the years preceding the accession of new member states to the EU helps us to reconsider the questions of identity and transnational socialisation in an enlargement context.

This article assesses how the involvement of European party federations (Europarties) in the politics of Eastern Partnership (EaP) states relates to the objectives of the EU in the region. Under specific scope conditions, Europarties can promote EU interests and values and help EU neighbourhood policy overcome some of the inconsistencies created by the lack of the enlargement tool. The article conceptualises Europarties as transnational actors whose external activities match the pathways of EU influence in EaP states. Empirically, by examining political developments in Georgia and Moldova, the article demonstrates how Europarties function as a conduit for EU strategic influence over pro-European elites, as well as a normative influence on the functioning of party politics in EaP states.

This paper analyzes the influence of transnational non-state actors on compliance with international legal rules as part of Michel Foucault's power/knowledge structure. In particular, it examines the effects of the Shooting Back project, organized by the Israeli non-governmental organization B'Tselem, on the level of investigations of alleged violations of the law of occupation. In 2007, B'Tselem supplied Palestinians living in high-conflict areas with video cameras in order to capture, expose, and "seek redress for" human rights violations in the Occupied Territories. According to Jeremy Bentham's principles of panopticism, power should be visible and unverifiable. The implementation of these principles by transnational actors is highlighted by the Shooting Back project in Israel. This project caused soldiers and their commanders to become aware of the possibility that their actions were being observed and documented without the exact location or identity of the observer being known. Shooting Back also demonstrates the potential role of transnational actors in conflict resolution. Such actors can assist in the implementation of Bentham's principles through the geographical spread and use of affordable means of communication.

Includes bibliographical references. ; The FIFA World Cup has become one of the most sought after sports mega events by many countries in today's society, as well as one of the most controversial. As I put the finishing touches on this thesis, the FIFA World Cup is taking place in Brazil. As with previous World Cups, the planning stage of the 2014 World Cup has been characterised by protests and considerable criticism, particularly concerned with the expenditures on mega event structures such as stadiums. FIFA, along with host country's governments, has been a major recipient of criticism. This controversy has prompted many people to focus their gaze on the negative impacts of these events, particularly on disadvantaged populations. Sports mega events will no doubt continue to occupy a crucial space in political and economic debates within host countries. As important as these debates are, they have tended to direct attention away from the governance mechanisms that FIFA deploys in staging World Cups. This thesis seeks to redirect attention to these governance issues.

The well-known 'culture wars' clash in the United States between civil society actors has now gone transnational. Political science scholarship has long detailed how liberal human rights non-governmental organizations NGOs engage in extensive transnational activity in support of their ideals. More recently, US conservative groups (including faith-based NGOs) have begun to emulate these strategies, promoting their convictions by engaging in transnational advocacy. NGOs thus face off against each other politically across the globe. Less well known is the extent to which these culture wars are conducted in courts, using conflicting interpretations of human rights law. Many of the same protagonists, particularly NGOs that find themselves against each other in US courts, now find new litigation opportunities abroad in which to fight their battles. These developments, and their implications, are the focus of this article. In particular, the extent to which US faith-based NGOs have leveraged the experience gained transnationally to use international and foreign jurisprudence in interventions before the US Supreme Court is assessed.

This paper has several objectives. First, it briefly examines the nature and characteristics of contemporary transnational religious actors and, second, identifies the concept of 'transnational religious soft power', which, I argue, such actors must have in order to achieve their objectives. Third, I focus on transnational Shia networks in the context of Iran's current attempt to acquire increased foreign policy influence in Iraq. The paper argues that transnational Shia networks in Iran and Iraq have relatively limited capacity to forge and pursue religious collective goals, as they are significantly undermined by nationalist and statist concerns. This is not to allege that nationalism and statism necessarily trump transnational religious goals – although in our case study this is indeed the case. ; Este trabalho tem vários objetivos. Primeiro, ele analisa brevemente a natureza e as características dos atores religiosos transnacionais contemporâneas e, em segundo lugar, identifica o conceito de "soft power religioso transnacional", que, em minha opinião, esses atores devem ter em conta a fim de alcançarem seus objetivos. Em terceiro lugar, eu me concentro em redes xiitas transnacionais no contexto da atual tentativa do Irã de adquirir maior influência política externa no Iraque. O artigo argumenta que as redes xiitas transnacionais no Irã e Iraque têm uma capacidade relativamente limitada para forjar e perseguir metas religiosas coletivas porque elas são significativamente perpassadas por preocupações nacionalistas e estatistas. Não estou argumentando que o nacionalismo e o estatismo necessariamente sobrepassam metas religiosas transnacionais – embora no caso deste estudo isso seja realmente o caso.