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Why are some non-state actors more successful than others in developing and maintaining durable patterns of transnational interaction? Why are some transnational actors more successful in their lobbying than others? This book is a case study of the Baltic Sea region that addresses such questions. Many non-governmental organizations today have regular contacts with counterparts in other littoral states. In some cases, the non-state actors have also deepened their cooperation and established regional international non-governmental organizations or transnational networks. Their purpose has been, amongst other things, to establish a platform from which they can interact with the Baltic Sea states and influence regional intergovernmental processes. In explainging these patterns of transnational relations, the author highlights a broad range of conditions relating to the actors themselves as well as to structure.

In the 2021 Postgraduate Forum (PGF) Conference of the DGfA (Deutsche Gesellschaft für Amerikanstudien), we are interested in contributions from graduate students exploring this transnational aspect of American Studies. Papers dealing with any aspect of the transnational in American Studies, past, present or future are welcome, as we attempt to re-evaluate American values, history, literature, culture, religion and people from a multi-faceted perspective. To that end, we are looking forward to discussions about a diverse group of projects, from those that work as chapters from dissertations, to papers that are works-in-progress of larger or ongoing projects, as well as papers that can stand alone as completed research projects. ; https://pgf2021.hypotheses.org/

This study investigates transnational relations and global challenges which the European Industrial Relations have been facing recently. The paper, methodologically, was structured with taking into account both socio- political and judicial arguments. The social theory, and ergo, the practice in Europe were analyzed according to Marxist point of view. Basically, industrial relations and employment relationship were examined from the perspectives of employees, employee representatives and nation-states. The influence of the Charter of Fundamental Rights which is legally binding with the Lisbon Treaty (TFEU) was examined. In addition, the effectiveness of the acquis communautaire within the EU was argued with respect to the European Social Model; such as, social dialogue, tripartite and bipartite information exchange and consultation, collective bargaining and legal provisions regarding employment conditions and social protection. The importance of Europeanisation and convergence of national industrial relations was illustrated. Keywords: Industrial Relations, Collective Bargaining, Europeanisation

Defence date: 11 December 1981 ; Examining board: Prof. Rudolf Wildenmann, Chairman ; Prof. Hans Daalder, Supervisor ; Prof. Umberto Gori, Co-supervisor ; Prof. Alessandro Pizzorusso ; First made available online 27 May 2015.

European countries are becoming increasingly politically integrated and the process of integration has accelerated in recent years. But how much social integration is there within the Community? This article supplies a definition of European social integration, and thereby lays down the foundations necessary for answering this important sociological question. Instead of analysing the EU as a political system, I view the EU as a social space of non-state actors of different nationality, and concentrate on the intergroup relations between the national collectivities involved in the amalgamation process. I define social integration as being transnational and macro-social; my definition has a quantitative dimension (relating to mutual relevance) as well as a qualitative dimension (relating to cohesion). I will argue that this definition is more useful than the European Commission's approach, which equates social integration with the convergence of living and working conditions, and also more useful than the social policy approach, which equates social integration with the convergence of regulations and social policies. ; Unter dem Dach der Europäischen Union (EU) und ihrer Vorläufer ist die politische Integration Europas ein gutes Stück vorangekommen. Doch wie steht es mit der sozialen Integration innerhalb der Gemeinschaft? In diesem Artikel wird eine Definition von europäischer Sozialintegration vorgestellt, die uns erst in die Lage versetzt, diese soziologische Frage zu beantworten. Die EU wird dabei nicht als politisches System betrachtet, sondern als Sozialraum, bestehend aus den europäischen Nationen. Die Integration dieses Sozialraumes bestimmt sich durch die Quantität (diesen Aspekt nenne ich gegenseitige Relevanz) und Qualität (diesen Aspekt nenne ich sozialen Zusammenhalt) der Beziehungen zwischen den EU-Völkern. Meine Definition von europäischer Sozialintegration ist demnach transnational und makro-sozial. Es wird argumentiert, dass dieses Konzept brauchbarer ist als bestehende Ansätze wie der der Europäischen Kommission, bei dem möglichst einheitliche Arbeits- und Lebensbedingungen im Vordergrund stehen, und dem sozialpolitischen Ansatz, bei dem Integration mit der Vereinheitlichung von Sozialpolitik gleichgesetzt wird.

This chapter investigates the general social and political conditions of disporan Kurds in Sweden who have created considerable networks and organizations that function for them not only as a substantial means of integration in their residing society, but also as genuine transnational institutions that aim, in one way or another, to affect the politics of their former homelands. The formation and the development of the Kurdish diaspora in Sweden depends on two principal factors: the social and political composition of the Kurdish population in Sweden which shows an exceedingly diversified diaspora and the advantageous Swedish political climate which, promotes diasporic and transnational activities among the Kurds. Certain scholars regard Sweden as a center of gravity where the development of the Kurdish culture, Kurdish politics and generally speaking the Kurdish identity is considered as a response to those repressive policies that the dominant states have imposed on the Kurds throughout the years. In the regard, the diasporic and transnational activities among the Kurds in Sweden partly transfer the Kurdish nationalist movement to a transnational and de-territorial context.

Analysis of changes in the status of the concept 'migrant' in Athens from the 1990s to the current day. As Greece had no legislation on migration until the 1980s, people from abroad were classified as 'foreigners', which had a very different meaning from today's meaning. The chapter also considers the effects of Greece joining the Schengen zone in terms of its migration policies. Formal abstract: One aspect of the financial and then fiscal crisis in Athens was the simultaneous change in, and increase of, migration to the city. Their sheer numbers seemed to add to a pervasive sense of disproportion affecting the city. Of course, it is not the first time there has been a sudden arrival of large numbers of people from elsewhere in Athens: the 1920s was another notable moment, following the compulsory exchange of populations after the final breakup of the Ottoman Empire. There was also the 1990s, after the end of the Cold War. Both the city's past and present transnational relations leave their traces in the form that migration takes, and the way it is experienced here. The paper takes a brief look at some of those traces in order to explore how the city has been affected by changes in border regimes, changes in the way different parts of the world are entangled with one another. ; Non peer reviewed

The term terrorism has been used and misused from many different perspectives by many different peoples for many different ends be they political, social or religious. As an "ism," it has no agreed upon definition, however undoubtedly extreme fear (the meaning of "terror") is its core element both as a cause as well as an effect. Because fear is a basic human emotion, its abuse is as old as humanity itself. However the modern context has become brutally deadly due to the invention of weapons of mass destruction which have amplified the damage inflicted multifold. The term itself has become a weapon of psychological as well as physical war. The contemporary usage of the term is very specific. Today, terrorism is the cheapest method of waging war. Hence countries are routinely waging proxy wars against each other. Terrorism has become a great weapon for the support of psychological war against countries. Terrorism has a long history which reflects aggressive behavior and a destructive attitude towards world peace.

Denna avhandling är en komparativ undersökning av pågående förändringsprocesser bland kurder i Marseillesregionen i Frankrike och Stockholmsregionen i Sverige. I fokus står skiftet från en endimensionell och offerrelaterad kurdisk diasporisk identitet mot en mer sammansatt och aktiv. Studien går bortom entydiga erfarenheter av smärta, trauma och offerkänsla i syfte att lyfta fram en rad andra diasporiska situationer och företeelser såsom institutionella och transnationella formationer, assabiyya nätverk, "on air" och "online" verksamheter, kulturella och litterära aktiviteter osv., som samtliga är centrala element när det gäller att upprätthålla ett gränsöverskridande medborgarskap bland diasporiska kurder i de bägge länderna. Studien vidhåller dessutom att kurder i både Sverige och Frankrike på olika sätt är utsatta för diskriminering och socialt utanförskap. Avhandlingen visar hur kurder i Frankrike och Sverige utvecklar olika diasporiska diskurser och handlingsmönster. Beroende på en relativt likartad social bakgrund och på den exkluderande politiska miljö som finns i Frankrike så upprätthåller kurderna i Marseillesområdet en påtagligt offerrelaterad diasporisk diskurs. Samtidigt är framväxten av ett gränsöverskridande medborgarskap här starkt begränsad. Eftersom kurderna i Sverige är dels jämförelsevis socialt och politiskt diversifierade och dels vistas i en mer gynnsam politisk miljö upprätthåller de inte bara en mer flexibel diasporisk diskurs än kurder i Marseillesområdet. De har också utvecklat ett mer långtgående gränsöverskridande medborgarskap. ; This study is a comparative exploration of an ongoing process of change from a mono-dimensional, victim-related Kurdish diasporic identity to a more modulated, dynamic and active form of it among Kurds in the Marseille region in France and the Stockholm region in Sweden. The study goes beyond the experience of pain and trauma and the sense of victimhood in order to depict a multitude of other diasporic situations and trajectories such as institutional and transnational arrangements, assabiyya networks, "on air" and cyberspace "online" involvements, cultural and literary activities, and so forth, which are necessary elements for the development of the practice of transborder citizenship among diasporan Kurds in the two countries. The study argues that the Kurds in France and Sweden have conceived different diasporic discourses and at the same time have chosen different modes of action. Due to their uniform social background and the exclusionary French political environment, the Kurds in the region of Marseille maintain a tangible victim diaspora discourse and limited practice of transborder citizenship. As the Kurds in Sweden are socially and politically diversified, and as they live in the more favorable Swedish political environment, they maintain not only a flexible diaspora discourse but also a more highly developed practice of transborder citizenship than the Kurds in the Marseille region.

This is the third volume dedicated to a World Congress of the IIRA: the one for the Tokyo Congress in 2000 and it is dealing with the European scene. The perspective reflects the fact that Europe has reached a stage where it does no longer make too much sense to analyse national systems in isolation: they have to be put into the European context. The development of structural elements for a European industrial relations pattern has become an even more urgent task in view of the introduction of the European monetary union. Whether and how far collective bargaining can be coordinated throughout Europe or whether the trade unions are already in a stage to be a relevant actor on European level, are burning questions to be asked. The impact of already existing patterns of workers' participation on the spirit of European industrial relations has to be reflected. The still dramatic unemployment situation has led to a joint job creation strategy on EU level whose functioning needs careful analysis. In view of the forthcoming enlargement of the EU it has in addition become of utmost importance to reflect on the question how the industrial relations systems of the newcomers can be integrated in the already existing pattern. These and other aspects of the generation of a European industrial relations machinery are dealt with in this volume.

This article combines History (the discipline) research with International Relations (sub-discipline of Political Science, my point of departure) for transnational studies research on long-term developments of transnational professional relations between the USA/Europe and the Middle East and East Asia through missionary universities. American Protestant and French Catholic missionaries were important transnational intellectuals and professionals who founded universities in the late 1800s and early 1900s. These universities continue to educate generations of transnational professionals. The article seeks to contribute in particular to the transnational studies dimension of International Relations drawing on educational, social and cultural history.

Solidarity is probably one of the most undeniable concepts of the social sciences as it is present in every group formation being this a country, a family or a trade union. But globalization has questioned the core of traditional solidarity and has challenged us to find new forms of solidarity that go beyond the borders of nation-states when we focus on the transnational or international level. Being once based on the identity and homogeneity of a group, solidarity must now transcend one specific group with a clear identity, clearly defined borders, constant and close interactions and settled stabilization mechanisms, the four prerequisites Engler (2016) found to be at its basis. Globalization brings two issues into play that break with these four prerequisites. On the one hand, it opens up the possibility to constitute groups beyond a specific geographical place and to grasp global problems such as climate change within transnational groups. On the other hand, globalization reinforces the idea of individualization and a decline of collectively shared identity which threads the classical idea of solidarity. In this paper we look for an enlarged concept of solidarity that can be grasped in different "places" in transnational working relations, taking the European Union as an example.

This paper deals with the transnational relations of non-state armed organizations. The question is why the organizationally more successful armed groups tend to revolve around transnational networks. The hypothesis is that it has to do with the way in which they generate cohesion within their combat units. Armed groups, especially clandestine ones, tend to co-opt parochial micro-solidarity networks for the purpose of maximizing small-unit military cohesion. At the level of the wider organization, however, this entails a significant risk: societal micro-cleavages between local networks tend to create rifts within the wider organization. This is especially the case for groups that initially have no access to centralized bureaucracies able to arbitrate local struggles through anonymous rule. The paper argues that their leaders can in this context harness transnational relations to distance themselves (physically and symbolically) from these struggles, thus allowing them to arbitrate these struggles from a position of "neutrality". The article focuses on Lebanese Hezbollah and its transnational clerical networks. In developing the argument, it highlights that the religious nature of these clerical networks was only indirectly a source of organizational cohesion. What matters is that their long-distance character allowed weaving together previously opposed shortrange networks.

MGIMO-University Master's Degree in International Relations "International Politics and Transnational Business". ; MGIMO-University Master's Degree in International Relations "International Politics and Transnational Business".

This paper deals with the transnational relations of non-state armed organizations. The question is why the organizationally more successful armed groups tend to revolve around transnational networks. The hypothesis is that it has to do with the way in which they generate cohesion within their combat units. Armed groups, especially clandestine ones, tend to co-opt parochial micro-solidarity networks for the purpose of maximizing small-unit military cohesion. At the level of the wider organization, however, this entails a significant risk: societal micro-cleavages between local networks tend to create rifts within the wider organization. This is especially the case for groups that initially have no access to centralized bureaucracies able to arbitrate local struggles through anonymous rule. The paper argues that their leaders can in this context harness transnational relations to distance themselves (physically and symbolically) from these struggles, thus allowing them to arbitrate these struggles from a position of "neutrality". The article focuses on Lebanese Hezbollah and its transnational clerical networks. In developing the argument, it highlights that the religious nature of these clerical networks was only indirectly a source of organizational cohesion. What matters is that their long-distance character allowed weaving together previously opposed shortrange networks. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published