Suchergebnisse

Examines the global trend toward increased involvement by nongovernmental agencies & private parties that have enriched the mix of actors operating at all levels of interstate & intersociety relations in the Caribbean. It is posited that there are new relations in the political, economic, gender, academic, & environmental areas. The persistence of the linguistic, ethnocultural, & political barriers that have historically kept the Caribbean balkanized are considered. Adapted from the source document.

This study investigates transnational relations and global challenges which the European Industrial Relations have been facing recently. The paper, methodologically, was structured with taking into account both socio- political and judicial arguments. The social theory, and ergo, the practice in Europe were analyzed according to Marxist point of view. Basically, industrial relations and employment relationship were examined from the perspectives of employees, employee representatives and nation-states. The influence of the Charter of Fundamental Rights which is legally binding with the Lisbon Treaty (TFEU) was examined. In addition, the effectiveness of the acquis communautaire within the EU was argued with respect to the European Social Model; such as, social dialogue, tripartite and bipartite information exchange and consultation, collective bargaining and legal provisions regarding employment conditions and social protection. The importance of Europeanisation and convergence of national industrial relations was illustrated. Keywords: Industrial Relations, Collective Bargaining, Europeanisation

World politics is changing, but our conceptual paradigms have not kept pace. The classic state-centric paradigm assumes that states are the only significant actors in world politics and that they act as units. Diverse domestic interests have effects on international politics only through governmental foreign policy channels. Intersocietal interactions are relegated to a category of secondary importance–the "environment" of interstate politics. As Karl Kaiser has pointed out, the reality of international politics has never totally corresponded to this model. Nevertheless, the model was approximated in the eighteenth century when foreign policy decisions were taken by small groups of persons acting within an environment that was less obtrusive and complex than the present one.

In this essay I suggest a newcomer to the list of types of transnational relationship discussed in this volume. This is the relationship that arises from the use of a common-property natural environment. These relations are not new, of course, and have led to conflict and accommodations at various levels for centuries, as Innis's work on the codfisheries testifies. As world population grows and technology broadens, both demand and capacity to exploit these international common property resources in ways that will harm other users have also increased. Yet international law has not been able to devise rights of tenure for international property as efficient as those for, say, agricultural land. This resulting lack of suitable concepts of ownership (or sovereignty) has, therefore, been one source of the loss of control by central governments that is frequently mentioned in the transnational relations literature.

The past forty years has seen a marked increase in the proliferation of
transnational actors in the international system. The rise of these actors
has sparked a continuing debate within the field of international relations
on how they influence state action. This emergent literature on
?transnational studies? within international relations has mainly pitted
advocates of an approach that views states as the dominant force in world
politics versus those who see the rise of transnational actors as empirical
proof that the primacy of states as actors in the international system is
being replaced. New literature in the mid-1990s tried to move transnational
studies beyond these debates of the past. What both sides failed to grasp
was that, because both looked to how transnational actors could affect
domestic state behavior, they really in the end shared the same research
question (it was only their approach to the question that differed). The
result is a thin account of how transnational actors matter and a series of
measurement problems due to the underlying concepts being much too general.
This article introduces a new theoretical framework for testing the ability
of transnational actors to influence domestic state behavior.

Defining greater China : civilization as the answer -- Questioning civilization : self/other relations in Chinese foreign policy -- Sharing sovereignty : security and spatiality in the South China Sea -- Modernizing Confucianism : trans/national identity in Korea -- Harmonizing boundaries : civilization and security in Hong Kong -- Recognizing democracy : nationalism, Taiwan, and friendship

Defence date: 11 December 1981 ; Examining board: Prof. Rudolf Wildenmann, Chairman ; Prof. Hans Daalder, Supervisor ; Prof. Umberto Gori, Co-supervisor ; Prof. Alessandro Pizzorusso ; First made available online 27 May 2015.

Canadian-American relations have tended to bore statesmen and scholars who long to be where the action is. According to one scholar, "study of Canadian-American relations tells one almost nothing about the big problems facing the world," while in a classic essay Arnold Wolfers used the unguarded border as an example of "indifference to power." If we view world politics with "realist" assumptions that unified states are the only actors, force is the major source of power, and solving the military security dilemma is their overwhelming objective, then Canadian-American relations are indeed dull.