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The International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (ICAN) has become known for its active engagement in the drafting and promotion of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW). The success of the campaign is related to the fact that not only other anti-nuclear non-governmental organizations (NGOs), but also a number of state figures and diplomats have joined the campaign. ICAN is a "transnational advocacy network" (TAN) that has managed to engage a significant pool of state and non-state stakeholders (actors). This paper aims to explore the ICAN phenomenon and identify the features of this transnational advocacy network. The study is based on documents and materials drawn from the official ICAN website, working papers from the NPT Review Conferences, as well as interviews with representatives of anti-nuclear NGOs. The novelty of the study consists in the fact that a new interpretation of the concept of "transnational advocacy network" was introduced into Russian academic discourse and the main instruments and principles of TAN were identified on the basis of the ICAN example. The research of ICAN was carried out according to three bullet-points: (1) analysis of NGO activities in the NPT negotiation process; (2) identification of the features of ICAN as a TAN, the main trends and methods of work; (3) problems and limitations of ICAN. A hallmark of today's TANs is that they combine advocacy and examination, allowing such coalitions to work successfully with international organizations and states. ICAN is an interesting case study because there has been a convergence of interests between a number of states and anti-nuclear NGOs. However, the question still remains how long will it be able to keep functioning in the TAN format and continue to frame the agenda of the NPT Conferences? The drive to ban nuclear weapons, and then to lobby for the signing and ratification of the NPT, demonstrated that ICAN had moved from public activity to direct diplomacy. Nevertheless, there is reason to assume that ICAN and its coordinating role in the NPT negotiation process may become less important as the focus and interests of states shift back to public outreach activities.

Preliminary Material /T. Dietz , K. Havnevik , M. Kaag and T. Oestigaard -- 1. African Engagements: On Whose Terms? Africa Negotiating An Emerging Multipolar World /Ton Dietz , Kjell Havnevik , Mayke Kaag and Terje Oestigaard -- 2. Trends In Transnational Political Engagement In Africa: The Promises Of NEPAD /Samuel Teshale Derbe -- 3. Political Topographies Of Private Security In Sub-Saharan Africa /Peer Schouten -- 4. The Neoliberalisation Of Nature In Africa /Bram Büscher -- 5. Foreign Land Acquisitions In Madagascar: Competing Jurisdiction Of Access Claims /Sandra Evers , Perrine Burnod , Rivo Andrianirina Ratsialonana and André Teyssier -- 6. Mobilising Brazil As 'Significant Other' In The Fight For HIV/AIDS Treatment In South Africa: The Treatment Action Campaign (TAC) And Its Global Allies /Wiebe Nauta -- 7. Beyond Negotiating A Multipolar World: Sudan's Non-Western Development Cooperation Alternative /Mohamed Salih -- 8. How Does The Chinese Involvement In The African Continent Affect African Sovereignty In The Context Of The Changing Nature Of Power? /Sanne Van Der Lugt -- 9. China Into Africa: Conflict Or The Triumph Of Western Order? /Gorm Rye Olsen -- 10. Railway Time: Technology Transfer And The Role Of Chinese Experts In The History Of TAZARA /Liu Haifang and Jamie Monson -- 11. China-Africa Relations: The Relevance Of Strategic Engagement Of African Civil Society Organisations With China /Antony Otieno Ong'ayo -- 12. New Topographies Of Power? Africa Negotiating An Emerging Multipolar World /Simona Vittorini and David Harris -- 13. The Obama Administration's Engagements In Africa Within Historical Context: Great Expectations Versus Daunting Challenges /Peter J. Schraeder -- 14. Public Policy Formation In Africa In The Wake Of The Global Financial Meltdown: Building Blocks For A New Mind In A Multipolar World /Lloyd G.A. Amoah -- 15. Aligning And Harnessing The Gains Of Globalisation To An African Advantage: Towards 'Glo-Fricanisation' /Lawrence Ogbo Ugwuanyi -- 16. Africa In The World: A Historical View /Stephen Ellis -- List Of Contributors /T. Dietz , K. Havnevik , M. Kaag and T. Oestigaard -- Index /T. Dietz , K. Havnevik , M. Kaag and T. Oestigaard.

Contents -- Illustrations and Maps -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction - Beyond the Divide -- Part I - Political Processes and Transnational Networks -- Chapter 1 - Opening Up Political Space: Informal Diplomacy, East-West Exchanges, and the Helsinki Process -- Chapter 3 - Transmitting the ""Freedom Virus"": France, the USSR, and Cultural Aspects of European Security Cooperation -- Chapter 4 - Cultural Diplomacy of Switzerland and the Challenge of Peaceful Coexistence, 1956-75 -- Part II - Interplay in the Academic Contexts

Yearly published competitiveness indexes make possible immediate comparisons of investment and productivity climates around the globe. Against the backdrop of an increasing linkage between competition, "good governance" and poverty alleviation within development rhetoric and practices, this article places the agenda of competitiveness in the context of political struggle. Based on extensive interviews, I situate the "global" discourse of competitiveness in the diverse conditions of two Central American countries, Costa Rica and Nicaragua, in order to explore articulations and legitimacy claims of business associations and labor organizations respectively in processes of labor market flexibilization and economic change. Focusing on labor–capital and state–market relations, the study contributes to the understanding of how principles of competition are promoted, negotiated and contested within transnational divisions of labor.

An accessible history of multilateralism from its origins in the 1800s to the present. Multilateral initiatives have brought about striking, yet diverging, results. International organizations often struggle with the nationalist impulses of member states, different and shifting goals, and a lack of enforcement methods. Here, Kathryn Lavelle offers a history of multilateralism from its origins to the present. Lavelle focuses on the creation and evolution of major problem-solving organizations, examines the governmental challenges they have confronted and continue to face from both domestic and transnational constituencies, and considers how nongovernmental organizations facilitate their work.

The Latin America's geographic space is prodigal with non-conventional threats to the security of the states, the societies and the individuals which integrate it. These threats are characterized by their transnational dynamics, the non-state character of their protagonists and the asymmetrical use of violence.Inside this outlook we can highlight the organized criminality, which is present in every region of the hemisphere, showing different features in each case. The case of Mexico can be emphasized because of its gravity, typified by research centers and experts as an example of a new form of insurgency. This readings force us to reformulate the concept of insurgency, defining it with more attention to the question of territorial control than the political motivation of its acts. Based on the outlook described, the objective of this paper is to apply the reformulation of the concept of insurgency to the South America's scenario. In order to do this, the scope of this concept will be established, concrete cases of application will be identified, as well as their impacts on the regional strategic surroundings and the multilateral cooperation about security.

Private institutions for third-party (eco-)labelling of food and wood products has been a lively field of empirical research, peaking in the conception of certification as a "non-state market-driven governance system," which is gaining rule-making authority domestically and internationally as a private governance institution and a transnational regime. Recent findings, however, suggest that state actors also play a decisive role in private certification governance. Questions relating to who within the state, however, so far remain unaddressed. Very recent empirical trends in the fields of timber and palm oil certification in Indonesia suggest that it is distinct public bureaucracies who start reclaiming certification authority through state-led mandatory schemes, challenging the private and transnational certification institutions in support of government-driven international certification regimes. Against this background, the objective of this paper is to substantiate the trend from transnational private to international state-driven governance by analyzing the role of distinct state bureaucracies in the emergence, diffusion, and reshaping of private natural resource governance systems. To achieve these objectives, we develop our propositions by combining insights from political certification studies, regime theory, as well as bureaucratic politics theory. Methodologically, we employ a qualitative case study design on recent developments in forest, timber, and palm oil certification systems in Argentina and Indonesia. Our results substantiate the observation that distinct state actors play a key role in private governance systems and, in the case of Indonesia, even re-claim labelling authority from private institutions by attempting to outcompete them through employing their exclusive regulatory power. The results further indicate a strong, self-interested support from domestic state bureaucracies to state-driven international rather than to transnational certification regimes, supporting the temporary governance hypothesis. We discuss and conclude on our results in light of literatures on private governance, policy sectors as well as international relations theory on the emergence of international and transnational regimes.

Refugee participation in transnational acts – from advocating for regime change in home countries to strengthening modes of safe passage for friends and family to host countries – is only as effective as the ability of refugees to organize, collaborate with one another, and develop strong communication links between communities in the home and host countries. While many assume that legal status improves the ability of refugees to engage in political transformation, research on the Burmese refugees living in Japan reveals that the application and provision of legal status can have the opposite effect, weakening fragile community structures, stemming advocacy efforts, and discouraging communication between divided political and ethnic groups. I argue that transnational acts form a three-way relationship with legal recognition and local community, and that, because of conflictual relationships among local refugee communities, refugees from Burma with higher degrees of legal recognition in Japan do not necessarily expand transnational space. ; La participation des réfugiés aux lois transnationales – depuis leur plaidoyer en faveur d'un changement de régime dans les pays d'origine au renforcement des modes de passage sécuritaire pour les amis et la famille vers les pays hôtes – est aussi efficace que leur capacité à organiser, à collaborer entre eux et à établir des liens étroits de communication entre les pays d'origine et d'accueil. Bien qu'il soit admis que la situation juridique améliore la capacité des réfugiés à envisager une transformation politique, des recherches menées auprès des réfugiés birmans qui résident au Japon révèlent que l'application et la disposition de la situation juridique peut avoir l'effet inverse et fragiliser les structures communautaires, interrompre les tentatives de plaidoyer et décourager la communication entre les groupes politiques et ethniques déjà divisés. L'article défend la thèse que les lois transnationales forment une relation à trois avec la reconnaissance juridique et la ...

Low-wage Tamil migrant workers have long been contributing to Singapore. Despite labouring for three decades and being connected to the existing Tamil diasporic community in Singapore, they have been left out in both state rhetoric and society, often due to claims of transience. Conversely, a fatal traffic accident in the locality of Singapore's Little India in December 2013 involving a Tamil migrant that morphed into a 'riot' has again brought these men and their presence within the vicinity of Little India to the fore. This paper uses the concept of "transnational home" as a lens to study their everyday experience in Singapore's Little India. The homely feelings experienced by the migrant workers highlight their feelings of homesickness vis-à-vis the need for a sense of belonging felt amongst transnational male migrant workers. On the other hand, practices that make the space unhomely for them not only illustrate their social position but will also contribute to the study of the governmentality of migration and control of migrant bodies. This paper is based on a wider ethnographic study of a group of Tamil migrant workers from the south Indian state of Tamil Nadu who were working in Singapore in 2012. (Pac Aff/GIGA)

"We are in the midst of the third tectonic social transformation in human history. Our current transition towards greater forms of transnational interconnection, consumption- and finance-driven rather than production-based capitalism, digital information and cultural flows, and the attendant largescale social and ecological consequences of these are drastically remaking our world, cultural producers from across the globe are seeking to make sense of, and provide insights into, these complex changes. Imagining Neoliberal Globalization in Contemporary World Fiction, takes a broad cross-cultural approach to analyzing the literature of our increasingly transnationalized world system, considering how its key constituent features and local-level manifestations have been thematized and imaginatively embraced by literary fiction produced from the perspective of the periphery of the capitalist world system. Textual renderings of globalization are not simply second-order approximations of it, but constitutive elements of globalization that condition how it will be understood and responded to, and so coming to terms with the narrativizations of globalization is vital scholarly work, as among other things, it allows us to see to what extent it is currently possible to imagine alternatives to globalizations more baleful aspects. This work will be of interest to students and scholars across a range of areas including contemporary literary/cultural studies, globalization studies, international relations and International Political Economy. "--Provided by publisher.

In a context of political controversy around migration and border issues in the United States, the federal government has reinforced security in the borderlands on a continual basis over the last thirty years. It constructed barriers, deployed federal agents and put technology surveillance devices in place to make the border impermeable to migrants, drug traffickers and terrorists, whom the state defines as threats to its national security. If securing the border makes sense to state actors and non-state actors – such as private companies and anti-immigrant groups –, border residents think differently. Thanks to ethnographic research carried out in Douglas, Arizona and Agua Prieta, Sonora, completed by an approach combining the tools of political geography, international relations, sociology and history, this dissertation analyzes the discrepancy between what security means for the federal government, and the social, economic and cultural reality as lived by borderlanders. We point to the contradictory effects created by border security which, instead of bringing security as claimed by the state, creates forms of economic, human and environmental insecurity in border towns and among their inhabitants. The borderlanders, who predominantly live a binational life, organize local initiatives to denounce and resist security measures imposed by the state, thus providing a different definition of border security. ; Dans un contexte de controverses politiques autour des questions de frontière et de migrations ces trente dernières années aux États-Unis, l'État fédéral n'a eu de cesse de renforcer les mesures de sécurité dans les villes des borderlands. Ce dernier met en place des barrières, déploie des agents fédéraux et met en place des outils technologiques de surveillance pour rendre la frontière imperméable aux migrants irréguliers, trafiquants de drogues et terroristes, définis comme des menaces à la sécurité nationale. Si cette sécurisation fait sens aux yeux des autorités politiques et autres acteurs non-étatiques ...

Machine generated contents note:pt. IThe Social Construction of Black Feminist Thought --1.The Politics of Black Feminist Thought --2.Distinguishing Features of Black Feminist Thought --pt. IICore Themes in Black Feminist Thought --3.Work, Family, and Black Women's Oppression --4.Mammies, Matriarchs, and Other Controlling Images --5.The Power of Self-Definition --6.The Sexual Politics of Black Womanhood --7.Black Women's Love Relationships --8.Black Women and Motherhood --9.Rethinking Black Women's Activism --pt. IIIBlack Feminism, Knowledge, and Power --10.U.S. Black Feminism in a Transnational Context --11.Black Feminist Epistemology --12.Toward a Politics of Empowerment.

Acknowledgments -- Introduction: race in the history of U.S. management -- Facing South -- The Antebellum South and the origins of race management : African slavery, Indian removal, and Irish labor -- Managing the Negro : the African slave as asset and animal -- Facing West -- Frontiers of control : infrastructure, western expansion, and race management -- Crossing borders : racial knowledge and the transnational triumphs of U.S. management -- Changing the whole story -- Continuity and change : scientific management, race management, and the persistence of the "foremen's empire" -- The crisis of race management : immigrant rebellions, immigration restrictions, and a new focus on Black and Mexican labor -- Afterword: then and now -- Notes -- Index