Suchergebnisse

Rad ima cilj da objasni značaj porodice kao faktora u vodećim mikro- i makro-teorijama porekla delinkvencije i da utvrdi uloge koje joj one dodeljuju u objašnjenju etiologije ovakvog ponašanja. Analiza je pokazala da mikro-teorije kao posebno značajnu ističu socijalizaciju i vaspitnu ulogu porodice kojom se oblikuju kako konformistički, tako i antisocijalni obrasci ponašanja, dok makro-teorije glavne uzroke devijantnosti pronalaze u strukturalnim karakteristikama društva, a porodicu prepoznaju kao faktora koji posreduje između društva i deteta. Analizom su utvrđeni i nedostaci proučavanih teorija. S obzirom na to da se baziraju na istraživanjima sprovedenim u SAD-u i zapadnoevropskim zemljama, one ne mogu u potpunosti da se primene na objašnjenje etiologije delinkvencije u svim društvima. Pored toga, mikro-teorije ne uzimaju u obzir karakteristike društva koje mogu da utiču na izbor vaspitnih metoda roditelja, razvoj njihovog vaspitnog stila i na njihovu odluku koje vrednosti će da prenesu deci, dok se makro-teorije ne bave pitanjem kakav uticaj imaju na devijantno ponašanje odlike onih društava, čiji su ekonomski, pravni i kulturni sistemi decenijama nestabilni, kao ni onih čiji se društveni sistem urušio i još uvek se nije reetablirao. Na osnovu ove analize može da se zaključi da uprkos važnoj ulozi koju roditelji imaju za usvajanje/sprečavanje antisocijalnog ponašanja, okvire u kojima će oni tu ulogu obavljati određuju karakteristike datog društva. ; This paper analyses the state of institutional trust (IT) in Croatia based on data collected by the Faculty of Political Science on a representative sample of Croatian citizens in eight time points over the past 20 years. Based on Easton's and Norris' concepts and considering previous studies on IT in Croatia, this paper brings some new elements. While most of the previous studies cover a maximum of three measurement points in a relatively short time span and analyse the latent structure of IT through an exploratory approach, this paper is based on an analysis ...

Tema ovoga rada je politički interes kod studenata, odnosno kako i u kojoj mjeri studenti iskazuju interes za politiku i za političko djelovanje u bosanskohercegovačkom društvu. U tu svrhu provedeno je anketno istraživanje "Studenti i politika" u siječnju i veljači 2019. godine na uzorku od 371 studenta Sveučilišta u Mostaru i Univerziteta Džemal Bijedić u Mostaru. Dobiveni kvantitativni podaci prikazani su frekvencijama i postocima u domeni deskriptivnih statističkih postupaka i primjenom hi-kvadrat testa. Istraživanje je provedeno u okviru teorijskog pristupa Almonda i Verbe, pomoću tri dimenzije: odnos prema politici i to kao interes ljudi za politiku i informacije o političkim aktivnostima; zatim stavovi kojima izražavaju podršku različitim modelima demokratskoga političkog poretka; i, na kraju, vrednovanje političkih postignuća kao povjerenje ispitanika u institucije. Kvantitativnom analizom dobivenih rezultata navedenog istraživanja utvrđeno je kako studenti prate trend niskog interesa za politiku mladih u BiH, ali imaju i poseban demokratski potencijal.‎ ; The topic of this article is the political interest of students, ie how and to what‎ extent students express interest in politics, in political activity in Bosnian and‎ Herzegovinian society. For this purpose, a survey "Students and Politics" was‎ conducted in January and February 2019 on a sample of 371 students from the‎ University of Mostar and University of Džemal Bijedić in Mostar. The obtained‎ quantitative data are presented by frequencies and percentages in the domain‎ of descriptive statistical procedures and the application of the chi-square test.‎ Research was conducted within the theoretical approach of Almond and Verba expressed through three dimensions of attitudes towards politics, specifically‎ as people's interest in politics and information about political activities;‎ then as attitudes expressing support for different models of democratic political‎ order; and finally as valuing political achievements as respondents' trust in‎ institutions. The results achived from this research showed that students follow‎ low intrest in the politics of young people in BiH, but also have a special‎ democratic potential

Mirovinski sustav ima različite zadaće koje su ponekad i međusobno suprotstavljene. Usprkos očitom poboljšanju materijalnog položaja starijih osoba, sustav međugeneracijske solidarnosti ima i neke neželjene učinke − izobličuje ponudu rada i oblike naknade, povećava gubitke mrtvog tereta doprinosa, uvjetuje pretjeranu preraspodjelu i stvara dugoročno neodrživ pritisak na javne financije. Stoga je u Hrvatskoj provedena mirovinska reforma i uveden sustav osobnih računa. Njegovo moguće zamrzavanje ili ukidanje imalo bi vrlo nepovoljne gospodarske učinke, a dovelo bi i do razbijanja povjerenja u taj sustav štednje. Ono bi samo nakratko ublažilo proračunski deficit, a državi bi stvorilo velike dugotrajne poteškoće u ispunjavanju obveza prema osobama koje su ostvarile mirovinska prava. Cilj ovog rada je pojasniti važnost očuvanja obveznog kapitaliziranog mirovinskog osiguranja (drugog stupa) u Hrvatskoj. U radu se pojašnjavaju njegova najznačajnija obilježja te navode mogućnosti poboljšanja i unapređenja. ; The pension system has different demanding tasks that may sometimes be mutually in conflict. Despite the apparent improvement in the financial position of older people, the intergenerational solidarity system also has some adverse effects. It could distort labour supply and forms of compensation, increase the loss of dead weight effect of social insurance contributions, exaggerate redistribution in the system and create long-term unsustainable pressure on public finances. Therefore, a pension reform was implemented in Croatia and a funded system with personal accounts was introduced. Possible freezing or cancellation of the funded system would have highly unfavourable economic effects and would lead to a breakdown of trust in this savings system. It would only briefly mitigate the budget deficit, while simultaneously it would create great long-lasting difficulties for the government in meeting the obligations towards persons who had acquired pension rights. The purpose of this text is to clarify the importance of preserving compulsory funded (capitalized) pension insurance (the second pillar) in Croatia. The paper explains the most significant features of the funded pension insurance and offers possibilities for improvements.

Xenophon founds his plan of economic renewal & development of Athens on the recognition of basic interests of the three principal classes of Athenian population, namely citizens, strangers & slaves. The predominant position of the citizens' class could be upheld only by representation of citizens in the state & by state monopoly with regard to enterprising strangers. In order to give a boost to internal & external trade & fiscal transactions, strangers also had to be guaranteed safety. Thus Xenophon advances an improvement of the strangers' status, the enactment of special protection of their rights (board for the protection of strangers), & the awarding of special commendations to prominent strangers. Faced with the problem of the citizens' impoverishment, Xenophon suggests the introduction of tax & the establishment of a special financial fund, which would provide for daily sustenance wages. He also suggests the expansion of the fund into a state-governed joint stock company, which would collect free assets, invest in various forms of capital objects, & the state would lease them to domestic & foreign entrepreneurs & wealthy people. Furthermore, Xenophon proposes that the "capital fund" be used for financing construction of houses & hotels, port- & other facilities for merchants & visitors, building of state-owned merchant ships for rent to private shipowners, & the purchase of slaves, which would also be rented to private entrepreneurs. Special attention is dedicated to the possibilities of improving & expanding the silver-mines in Laurion, which could ensure great income to the state. According to Xenophon, a prerequisite for the realization of his plan is preservation of peace, for in peacetime large resources can be saved which would otherwise be swallowed by war, risks are reduced, & trust increased. In this way Athens would contribute to the preservation of peace in Greece & enhance its own security. He particularly insists on a close connection between economic development & peace preservation, which is the true foundation of a state's power. Adapted from the source document.

Zadaća ovoga rada bilo je istraživanje kako mladi shvaćaju vrijednosti demokracije, koliko vjeruju u demokraciju kao politički poredak, koliko su zadovoljni načinom njezina funkcioniranja ("konstitucijom na djelu") i koliko je njihovo povjerenje u institucije sustava. Istraživati razumijevanje demokracije važno je zbog toga što ona više ovisi o mišljenju građana i razini njihove političke kulture nego o svojoj normativnoj konstituciji i formalnom vrijednosnom sustavu. Ova se analiza uključuje u raspravu između fundacionista i antifundacionista o demokraciji i njezinu funkcioniranju. Taj model istraživanja omogućio je uvide u odnos tzv. difuzne i specifi čne podrške demokraciji (D. Easton) te u razjašnjavanje onoga što R. Dahl defi nira kao "demokratski paradoks" u suvremenim demokracijama. Ovo je istraživanje pokazalo da mladi u Hrvatskoj shvaćaju demokraciju u okviru liberalnih vrijednosti, ali i da prilično tendiraju prema tzv. konsenzualnoj demokraciji i socijalističkom sindromu u kojem dominira težnja za socijalnom jednakošću i ekonomsko-intervencionističkom državom. Analiza je dalje pokazala da kod mladih u Hrvatskoj postoji niska razina demokratske legitimacije te još niža razina povjerenja u institucije sustava. To nije dobra osnova za razvoj stabilne i kvalitetne demokracije u hrvatskom društvu. Sve to upozorava na ozbiljne slabosti u političkoj edukaciji mladih u Hrvatskoj te u razvoju demokratske političke kulture i demokratskoga građanstva. ; The task of this paper was to explore how young people understand the values of democracy, how much they believe in democracy as a political system, how much they are satisfi ed with the way democracy works ("constitution at work"), and how much they trust government institutions. It is important to analyse the understanding of democracy, for democracy is dependent on the citizens' opinions and the level of their political culture rather than on its normative constitution and formal value system. Thus, this analysis joins in the debate between foundationalists ...

Tekst analizira značenje i razumijevanje pojma governance te njegov prijevod na hrvatski jezik. Vlade, izvršne vlasti, vladajući (governing) pristupom odozgo, izdavanjem naloga i kontroliranjem, odnosno upravljanjem, ne mogu se učinkovito i djelotvorno nositi s problemima i izazovima. Kako bi odgovorile na takve izazove, vlade prihvaćaju vladanje odozdo, po horizontalnom načelu suradnje s ostalim dionicima, pa su onda u prilici mobilizirati raspoložive resurse, izgraditi povjerenje i novu mrežu suradnje te razviti koncept vladavine (governance). Koncept dobre vladavine u Europskoj uniji je alat kojim se jačaju procesi konvergencije. Istraživanja o vladavini u Hrvatskoj su rijetka, a radovi o toj temi uglavnom analiziraju vladavinu, dobru vladavinu i višerazinsku vladavinu kao novu upravnu doktrinu. Imajući u vidu značenje pojma governance u engleskom jeziku te njegovo značenje u odnosu na druge pojmove, drži se da ga na hrvatski jezik treba prevoditi kao vladavina. Analizira se i značenje pojmova: affordability, social entrepreneurship, eligibility i resilience te se predlaže prevođenje na hrvatski jezik. ; The paper analyses the meaning and understanding of the term governance and its translation into Croatian. Governments, executive authorities, governing in a top-down approach, issuing orders, and controlling, administering, cannot effectively and efficiently deal with the problems and challenges. To meet such challenges, governments accept bottom-up governance, based on the horizontal principle of cooperation with other stakeholders, which enables them to mobilize available resources, build the trust and a new network of cooperation, and develop the concept of governance. The concept of good governance in the European Union is a tool that strengthens convergence processes. Research on the implementation of the concept of governance in Croatia is rare, and papers mainly analyse governance, good governance, and multilevel governance as a new administrative doctrine. Having in mind the meaning of the term governance in English, and its meaning in relation to other terms, it is held that it should be translated into Croatian as vladavina, not as upravljanje. In addition, the meaning of the terms: affordability, social entrepreneurship, eligibility, and resilience are analysed and the terms for their translation into Croatian are proposed.

Svrha je rada upotpuniti spoznaje o populizmu u kontekstu hrvatskoga društva, s naglaskom na prihvaćanju populizma među mladima kao nositeljima budućega društvenog razvoja. Budući da su za istraživanje sklonosti populizmu mediji, kao oblikovatelji javnoga mišljenja, među najvažnijim izvorima relevantnih spoznaja, posebna se pozornost posvećuje odnosu upotrebe dnevnoinformativnih portala i prihvaćanju populizma. Istraživanje je provedeno na dvoetapno izabranom neprobabilističkom uzorku od 1189 studenata Sveučilišta u Zagrebu, kako bi se utvrdili odnosi između sklonosti studenata općem, lijevom i desnom populizmu te njihovih navika upotrebe dnevnoinformativnih portala i nekih individualnih obilježja. Rezultati pokazuju kako kod studenata postoje trendovi niske, ali značajne povezanosti između upotrebe većine portala i sklonosti općem, lijevom i desnom populizmu. Utvrđena je povezanost obrazovanja roditelja sa studentskom sklonosti lijevom i desnom populizmu te razlike u tim sklonostima u odnosu na sociodemografska obilježja, razinu studija, studijsko usmjerenje, političku orijentaciju, religioznost i povjerenje u institucije. ; The purpose of the paper is to fulfil the findings on populism in the context of Croatian society, with an emphasis on the acceptance of populism among young people as bearers of the future social development. Media, as a form of public opinion, are among the most important sources of relevant insights for the study of the rise of populism. The paper pays special attention to the relationship between the use of daily news portals, and the acceptance of populism. The study was conducted on a two-stage non-probabilistic sample of 1189 students of the University of Zagreb, in order to determine the relationships between students' preferences in general, left-wing and right-wing populism, their habits of using daily news portals, and some individual characteristics. The results show that there is a low but significant correlation between the use of most portals, and the preference for general, left- -wing and right-wing populism among students. The correlation between the education of parents with student preferences of left-wing and right-wing populism was found, as well as differences in these preferences with respect to some sociodemographic characteristics, level of study, study orientation, political orientation, religiosity and trust in institutions.

Ovaj se rad temelji na procjeni učinaka samozapošljavanja Roma na njihove društvene vrijednosti i stavove prema radu. U cilju procjene mogućih pozitivnih ishoda pokretanja vlastitog posla, koristili smo kvazi-eksperimentalni dizajn, tj. dizajn se temelji na usporedbi samozaposlenih Roma (eksperimentalne skupine) i onih koji nisu započeli vlastiti posao (kontrolna grupa). Operacionalne hipoteze testiramo mjerenjem osam vrijednosnih orijentacija i stavova prema radu. Kao metode korištene su OLS regresija i logistička regresija. Utvrdili smo da politika samozapošljavanja Roma može značajno doprinijeti njihovom pozitivnom stavu prema radu, unutarnjem lokusu kontrole, interpersonalnom povjerenju, percipiranom tretmanu od strane većine i zadovoljstvu poslom. S druge strane, nismo pronašli značajan učinak pokretanja novog posla od strane Roma na intrinzičnu radnu orijentaciju, stav o ravnopravnosti spolova i opće zadovoljstvo životom. Zaključujemo da promicanje i ulaganje u politiku samozapošljavanja Roma i marginaliziranih skupina općenito može biti učinkovita mjera politike u poboljšanju njihove ukupne socijalne uključenosti. ; This paper is based on the estimation of the effects of the self-employment of the Roma on their social values and work attitudes. To provide the evidence for the possible positive outcomes of starting their own business, we used a quasi experimental design, i.e. we provided the design based on a comparison of the self-employed Roma (experimental group) and those who did not start their business (control group). We tested the operational hypothesis onto eight measurements of the values and work attitudes. As a method, OLS regression and logistic regression have been employed. We found that self-employment policy of Roma can significantly contribute to their positive work attitude, internal locus of control, interpersonal trust, perceived treatment by the majority and job satisfaction. However, we found no significant effect of starting new business by the Roma onto intrinsic work orientation, gender equality attitude and overall life satisfaction. We conclude that promoting and investing in self-employment policy of the Roma and marginalized groups in general can be an effective policy measure in improving their overall social inclusion.

The purpose of this essay is to prove the connections among political culture, political structure, & democracy. All the arguments pointing to such a connection have been analyzed within the framework of two fundamental approaches to the relationship between culture & structure ie, within the framework of the classical approach to their correspondence (which claims -- primarily in line with the functional theory of culture -- that there is a functional concordance between culture & structure, & that democracy is mirrored by the civic political culture ie, that "culture is a structure's way of life," that culture determines the structure) & the contemporary interactional approach (in which -- primarily in line with the theory of culture "as meaning" or "social functioning" -- complex relations among various cultural variables & structural variables are analyzed as well as their combined effect on democracy as the consequence of these relations). The latter approach considers democracy not as a "fixed condition," but rather as a dynamic phenomenon or end result of the combined interactional relationships between culture & structure. The analysis has shown that both approaches are legitimate & useful in understanding & maintaining democracy. Of course, the interactional approaches are more complex, as well as more important & more vital for understanding democracy. The analysis shows how political culture (democratic legitimation or political trust, support for civil freedoms, satisfaction with the functioning of democracy, etc.) often depends on the elements of the political structure (party systems & coalition models, election patterns, patterns of democracy, positions in power structure, etc). Political culture is autonomous in relation to political structure, but frequently, its role depends on the relations among political actors & the variables of the political culture itself. The analysis has also demonstrated how these investigations into the interaction (combined effects) between political culture & structure are extremely sophisticated & that in the future they are going to become the most fruitful part of political science, making possible not only a deeper understanding of the "dynamic regularities" in the functioning of democracy but also the attempts at its "innovative sustainment" & gradual development. 1 Table. Adapted from the source document.

The purpose of this essay is to prove the connection among political culture, political structure, & democracy. All the arguments pointing to such a connection have been analyzed within the framework of two fundamental approaches to the relationship between culture & structure, ie, within the framework of the classical approach to their correspondence (which claims -- primarily in line with the functional theory of culture -- that there is a functional concordance between culture & structure, that democracy is mirrored by the civic political culture, ie, that "culture is a structure's way of life," that culture determines the structure) & the contemporary interactional approach (in which -- primarily in line with the theory of culture "as meaning" or "social functioning" -- complex relations among various cultural variables & structural variables are analyzed as well as their combined effect on democracy as the consequence of these relations). The latter approach considers democracy not as a "fixed condition" but rather as a dynamic phenomenon or the end result of the combined interactional relationships between culture & structure. The analysis has shown that both approaches are legitimate & useful in understanding & maintaining democracy. Of course, the interactional approaches are more complex, as well as more important & more vital for understanding democracy. The analysis has shown how political culture (democratic legitimation or political trust, support for civil freedoms, satisfaction with the functioning of democracy, etc.) often depend on the elements of the very political structure (party systems & coalition models, election patterns, patterns of democracy, positions in power structure, etc.). Political culture is autonomous in relation to political structure, but frequently its role greatly depends on the relations among political actors & the variables of the political culture itself. The analysis has also demonstrated how these investigations into the interaction (combined effects) between political culture & structure are extremely sophisticated & that in the future they are going to become the most fruitful part of political science, making possible not only a deeper understanding of the "dynamic regularities" in the functioning of democracy but also the attempts at its "innovative sustainment" & gradual development. 1 Table. Adapted from the source document.

Using the results of the poll on the eve of the 2003 parliamentary elections, the author analyzes the determinants of their ideological cleavages. The analysis shows that the most significant determinants are the attitudes concerning the role of tradition & the Catholic Church in the society, the role of women in the society, the attitude towards the minority groups & the attitude to the Croatian history, primarily regarding World War Two & the post-war period. Of all the attitudes-measuring variables the most significant ones for the ideological left-right self-identification are those concerning the role of the Church & tradition & the attitude towards the history. The most important determinants of concrete ideological orientations in Croatia are those variables that measure the attitudes to traditional values & the role of the Church in the society, the attitude to the minorities & the position of women & the attitude to the history. While the attitudes to tradition & the role of the Catholic Church, & to a somewhat smaller extent to the minorities & the position of women in the society distinguish the liberals & social-democrats from the Christian-democrats, the attitude to the history distinguishes primarily the liberals from the social-democrats. The analysis has also shown that the variables measuring the attitude to the parties undoubtedly have the biggest influence on ideological self-identification, whether this is the left-right self-identification, or the identification with a concrete ideological orientation. However, in interpreting these results one should bear in mind that the causal link among these variables can be established both ways. Nevertheless, regarding the level of political sophistication of the public it might be said that the respondents will more easily identify with a party than an ideology, which for most voters is an abstract category. Party identification (preference) may be a consequence of a variety of factors ranging from the early political socialization in the family to the ideological affinity concerning certain issues or trust in party leadership etc. Hence we can conclude that regarding their ideological self-identification the respondents use their party identification as an information shortcut in order to get their bearing in, for most voters, the abstract world of ideologies. Tables, Graphs, Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.

Bivšega policijskog upravitelja u Banjoj Luci i Sarajevu vlastodršci su krajem 1940. odabrali za ravnatelja zagrebačkoga redarstvenog ravnateljstva kao zamjenu za nepouzdanoga Josipa Vragovića. Svojim je iskustvom i oštrim pristupom prema neistomišljenicima političkoga poretka, prokušanim tijekom sedamnaestogodišnje policijske službe, trebao suspregnuti sve snažniju djelatnost komunističkih i ustaško-frankovačkih snaga u hrvatskoj metropoli neposredno pred početak ratnih operacija na ovim prostorima. U prilogu se nastoji približiti Vikertov profesionalni i privatni život uz iznošenje podataka o njegovoj povezanosti s onodobnim političkim strukturama, načinu ophođenja s protivnicima režima te najbližim suradnicima. Posebna je pozornost posvećena upravljanju policijom u Banjoj Luci, Sarajevu i Zagrebu, što je naposljetku i dovelo do toga da je samo nekoliko dana nakon uspostave Nezavisne Države Hrvatske postao jednom od za režim najnepoželjnijih osoba. ; Rikard Vikert (1889–1941) was the last chief of the Zagreb police before the beginning of World War II in this region. He remained at this post only for a short time. Despite this, immediately after the establishment of the Independent State of Croatia, he was declared one of the most wanted persons of the new regime. The reasons for this were related to his earlier policing activities, especially his performance as the head of the Sarajevo police (1935–1940), when he was responsible for the cruel treatment of political dissidents of the old Yugoslav regime. He was trained to perform police duties as early as the time of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, acting as part of the armed forces, i.e. the gendarmerie, immediately after the establishment of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. He was well-accepted in centralist circles because he voluntarily left the Austro-Hungarian army and joined the Serbian army at the very beginning of the Great War. In this way, he gained the trust of Belgrade's political elites, which found him suitable for larger police tasks, due to the fact he was an educated officer. From 1923, he was employed by the Ministry of the Interior, and climbed the administrative ladder within the police apparatus. He experienced a professional zenith when he became the chief of the Zagreb police, where he tried to oppose the increasingly strong attempts of members of the Ustasha and communist movements to break the old order. After the entry of German forces into Yugoslavia and the proclamation of the puppet Independent State of Croatia, he and his associates fled Zagreb, trying to find refuge in Sarajevo. There, at the end of April 1941, he committed suicide while resisting an attempt of the Ustasha police to apprehend him.

Suvremeno novinarstvo mijenja se velikom brzinom i istodobno se suočava s krizom koja se odražava u sve većem nepovjerenju u medije, ali i sve većim pritiscima tržišta. Pažnju publike mediji privlače neprestanim potenciranjem dramatičnosti i proizvođenjem sukoba. Vijest se više ne temelji na nečem što se stvarno dogodilo i što je relevantno, nego na nečemu što je umjetno proizvedeno. U ovom se radu prati geneza jednoga tonskog isječka (engl. sound bite), dijela izjave hrvatskog premijera Zorana Milanovića, koji je dospio u udarne vijesti televizijskih informativnih emisija, rasplamsao rasprave i postao glavna tema novinarskih izvještaja. Na primjeru jednog fragmenta, isječka izjave političara, opisuje se kako se, kada se izostavi kontekst, stvara nova medijska priča. Sljedećih nekoliko dana političari, stručnjaci, branitelji, ali i obični građani bili su akteri te priče, a da se ni jednom nije spomenulo u kojem je kontekstu izgovorena ta izjava. Demokratska debata je izostala. Rad se usredotočuje na raspravu o fragmentaciji vijesti i njihovoj izolaciji od konteksta. Na navedenom primjeru pokazuje se kako su informativne vrijednosti (ono što vijest jest) zamagljene, pa stoga vijesti prestaju biti izvor informacija i poticaj za raspravu o bitnim nacionalnim pitanjima. ; Media environment is rapidly changing and facing a widespread crisis in journalism. It is followed by the decline of audience trust and increasing market pressures. The main goal is to win the audience's attention, very often by creating drama and producing 'conflict'. The news is not based on something that really happened and that is relevant, but it is more often manufactured or artificially produced. In this case study we explore the curious life cycle of a sound bite from a passing remark by the then Croatian Prime Minister Zoran Milanović's to the headlines, discussions and extensive reports which developed over the course of several days. This example shows how news could be manufactured and content blurred when it is built around a fragment without providing the context, in this case a political quote. For several days, politicians, experts, war veterans, but also ordinary citizens were involved in the manufactured news story without making a reference to the context. Consequently, the democratic debate was avoided. Drawing on a discussion of news fragmentation as isolation from context, we show that in this case, news values (what news is) are increasingly blurred, preventing the news from becoming the source of information and discussion of the country's key issues.

Funkcionalna suradnja NATO-a i Ruske Federacije u suvremenim međunarodnim odnosima je nužna, ali zbog još uvijek obostranog nepovjerenja i natjecateljski postavljenih ciljeva teško se ostvaruje. Autorica polazi od prikaza i analize postojećih odnosa suradnje ta dva aktera oko globalnih pitanja (borba protiv terorizma, krijumčarenje droga i narkotika, elementarne nepogode, obuka afganistanskih sigurnosnih snaga) najvećim dijelom operacionaliziranih u Afganistanu. Potom prikazuje prostor Arktika kao prostor na kojem se NATO i Ruska Federacija tek interesno pozicioniraju. Globalni izazovi sigurnosti (klimatske promjene, sigurnost transportnih ruta, eksploatacija energenata) ponovno mogu približiti stavove ta dva aktera, ali iz dosad poduzetih akcija autorica zaključuje da će i taj prostor biti poprište konfrontacija. Na kraju analizira dva osnovna problema (raketni štit u Europi i daljnje širenje NATO-a) koji su od završetka Hladnog rata pa do danas glavni problemi u odnosima NATO-a i Ruske Federacije. Bez obzira na trenutnu ukrajinsku krizu očito je da će se i budući odnosi NATO-Ruska Federacija paralelno odvijati na dva kolosijeka: funkcionalnoj suradnji i odnosima hladnog mira. ; Functional cooperation between NATO and the Russian Federation is a necessity within the contemporary international relations. However, due to a lack of mutual trust which is still being felt and competitively set objectives of both players, such cooperation is sometimes difficult to achieve. Author starts by presenting and analyzing the existing examples of cooperation between the two states on global issues (fight against terrorism, drug trafficking, natural disasters, training of security forces in Afghanistan) – most of which is taking place in Afghanistan. She continues by elaborating on the situation in the Arctic territories where both NATO and the Russian Federation are just starting to position their interests. Again, it is the global challenges to security that might bring the positions of the two players closer in this area (such as climate changes, safety of transport routes, energy exploitation), but based on their activities so far the author concludes that this area might also become an area of confrontation. Finally, the author analyses two major issues (missile defense in Europe and further NATO enlargement) that have been principal problems in NATO-Russia relations ever since the end of the Cold War. Regardless of the current crisis in Ukraine it is apparent that future relations between NATO and the Russian Federation will continue on two parallel tracks: functional cooperation on one, and "cold peace" on the other.

Niz promjena na svjetskoj razini utječe na energetski sektor; posebice elektroenergetski. Ciljevi modernih država mijenjaju se zbog želje građana za boljom kvalitetom okoliša, postizanjem energetske sigurnosti i poštenije cijene energije uz sprečavanje posljedica klimatskih promjena i umanjivanje njihovih efekata. Globalni pomak za postizanje tih ciljeva očituje se povećanjem investicijskih napora, prihvaćanjem klimatskih sporazuma kroz nacionalne politike te razvojem različitih tehnologija (solarni sustavi, vjetroelektrane, električna vozila, sustavi baterija, pametne mreža, blockchain itd.),. Iako pojedini akteri još uvijek nisu prepoznali potencijal zelenog razvoja sve veći broj građana, organizacija i energetskih tvrtki uključuje se aktivno kroz energetsku tranziciju. Inovacije koje nosi zeleni razvoj posebice su zanimljive jer privlače aktere s različitom poslovnom pozadinom. Kako bi energetska tranzicija dobila dovoljan zamah sve više organizacija je uključeno u inovativno dizanje kapitala za projekte zelene energije kao što su platforme za grupno financiranje. Osim toga vidljiv je pomak pri oslobađanju kapitala manjih energetskih tvrtki koje iznajmljuju opremu za energetska postrojenja od strane građana ili koriste druge inovativne poslovne modele kako bi povećale udio obnovljivih izvora energije u energetskom portfelju te uključile građane u poslovanje. Lokalne vlasti sve više prepoznaju i prihvaćaju volju građana za poštenijim energetskim sustavom pri čemu preuzimaju aktivnu ulogu u borbi protiv klimatskih promjena i u energetskoj tranziciji. Razvoj novih koncepata zelenog razvoja omogućuje razvijanje povjerenja između energetskih tvrtki i krajnjih korisnika. ; A number of world-wide changes affect the energy sector; especially electric sector. The goals of modern states are changing due to the increasing desire of citizens to improve the quality of the environment, disere to achieve energy security and will to get a more honest price of energy, as well as preventing the consequences of climate change and mitigate their effects. Global progress towards achieving these goals is reflected in: increased investment efforts, the adoption of climate agreements through national policies and the development of various technologies (solar systems, wind power plants, electric vehicles, battery systems, smart grids, blockchain etc.). Although some actors have not yet recognized the potential of green development, an increasing number of citizens, organizations and energy companies are actively involved and linked through the energy transition. Green development is full of invoative process and it includes actors with different business background. In order for the energy transition to gain momentum, more and more organizations are involved in the alternative funding of green energy projects such as crowdfunding platforms. In addition, there is a visible shift in the capital raising of smaller energy companies that rent equipment from citizens for power plants or use other innovative business models to increase the share of renewable energy sources in their energy portfolio and involve citizens in process. Local authorities increasingly recognize and accept the need for more honest energy system by taking on an active role in combating climate change and energy transition. The development of new concepts of green development enables building of trust between energy companies and end users.