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Recent and projected developments in the Arctic call for improving emergency preparedness in the region. Arctic emergency preparedness is facing traditional challenges on a new scale as well as new, non-traditional challenges. There is political will on the part of Russian leadership to create a comprehensive emergency preparedness system in the Arctic, a system that integrates non-traditional alongside traditional emergency preparedness. This paper examines the formal institutional foundation for developing an emergency system in the Russian Arctic that includes counterterrorism as well as search and rescue and oil spill response. The paper concludes that the strengthening of Russian counterterrorism in recent years has produced a parallel specialized structure that operates autonomously and in isolation from the emergency preparedness structures responsible for handling traditional challenges. Differences between the national system for countering terrorism and the unified state system for prevention and liquidation of emergencies hinder comprehensive emergency preparedness in the Russian Arctic. That being said, there is considerable overlap in central actors between the two systems. This may serve as a window of opportunity for cooperation in Arctic emergency preparedness.

An explanation for why the success of the Communist Party of China (CPC) relies heavily on the middle class and the rational, emotional and national reasons for why their support continues. According to the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS) the strong yearly economic growth has lifted 15% (or 200 million people) to the middle class in China, which has become the group that most benefits from the status quo. While only 5.4% of Chinese belong to the CPC in entrepreneurs this percentage rises to 30-60% depending on the region. Thus even if the middle class shows often apathy towards politics, they still employ party membership as a means to success. L. Pitkaniemi

In light of the dramatic events in the Middle East in the course of the spring 2003, it has become more & more important to focus the interest on the multidimensional relationship between the West & Arabic world. The Barcelona process or the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) is relatively purely known, but nevertheless an important aspect of the European Union's policy toward the Arabic countries. The EMP was launched in 1995 between the EU & 12 countries on the southern side of the Mediterranean Sea. The article gives a brief account of the content & the form of the project by Dec 2002 & explains at the same time the motive behind the European activities in the Mediterranean region. The three parts of the project (the political, the economical & the cultural partnership) are then analyzed focusing on the actual challenges. Problems are of financial as well as of cultural character, but the main responsibility for the slow progress characterizing the project is to be sought in the diverse interests of the member countries in important areas as trade & security politics. 24 References. Adapted from the source document.

This article analyzes US & Chinese policy & strategy in the Middle East, with focus on energy resources, market, investment, & policy shaping. United States engagement in Iraq & other initiatives to control political conditions in the Middle East are here considered to be intimately connected with the US desire to stabilize oil supply. However, as US involvement in Iraq has failed to produce satisfactory results in terms of stability & security, & as the US appears ever more intent upon escalating conflict with Iran, the surety of American intention & outcome in the region remains highly tenuous. As such, China holds an extremely important position with regards not only to its friendly relationship with Iran, but also with its massive stake in the American economy. The race to secure international oil supply is traced here to illustrate the Middle East as the volatile supplier, the United States as a potentially zealous military & financial power, & China as a potential wildcard that can radically influence the developments of all actors in this conflict. References. C. Brunski

This article examines current Russian expert and official narratives on the Arctic, situating them in the broader context of the debate on Russia's role in the international system. Combining a critical geopolitics approach to the study of international relations with content analysis tools, we map how structural geopolitical changes in the wider region have shaped narratives on the Arctic in Russia today. Two types of Russian narratives on the Arctic are explored—the one put forward by members of the Russian expert community, and the one that emerges from official documents and statements by members of the Russian policymaking community. With the expert narratives, we pay particular attention to the Arctic topics featured and how they are informed by various mainstream approaches to the study of international relations (IR). In examining policy practitioners' narrative approaches, we trace the overlaps and differences between these and the expert narratives. Current expert and official Russian narratives on the Arctic appear to be influenced mostly by neorealist and neoliberal ideas in IR, without substantial modifications after the 2014 conflict, thus showing relatively high ideational continuity.

Since Russia's annexation of Crimea in 2014, Northern Europe has increasingly aligned its national defence arrangements with the United States and NATO. This contrasts with the Cold War period, when Sweden and Finland were neutral, and Norway and Denmark put self-imposed restraints on their NATO memberships. Providing Northern Europe with a stable "buffer" between East and West, this so-called Nordic balance kept the United States and Soviet Union at an arm's length. Since 2014 however, Northern Europe has de facto slid from "buffer" to "springboard" for US forces. This slide may counter Russian assertiveness, but there is also reason to argue that it may increase regional tension and unpredictability. If so, this may leave the entire region with less rather than more security. Using the case of Norway, it is argued that too close an alignment with NATO may have accelerated Norway's role as a "springboard" for US forces. This is because cost-intensive reforms needed to accommodate US expectations abroad have also exacerbated critical vulnerabilities at home. Increased dependency on US forces thereby makes difficult the balance between deterrence and restraint vis-à-vis Russia.