Abstract: Russia is the largest country in the world, on the two continents of Europe and Asia. Russia, despite great extent, from time immemorial has always been concerned about access to the seas warm the world, and Even "Ivan IV" as the founder of the country was forced to command a series of a failed expeditions to the Crimea. After that, "Peter the Great" Between 1700 and 1721 lunched bloody wars with Sweden over the Baltic Sea and After the victory, he was so concerned about access to open waters that he had to move the capital, St. Petersburg, and move Russia's political heart from Moscow to the Baltic coast. After Peter and the end of the Romanov dynasty, the Russians always considered access to hot water important, so that Russia's existence was linked to it. Perhaps this is why, during the Soviet era, Kremlin officials went beyond the development of the Crimean port region in southern Ukraine to consider building maritime terminals in Libya and Syria. Russia in the middle of the first decade of the new century after the internal crisis turned its attention to international issues. In the meantime, the Middle East, which is geographically located between Europe and East Asia, has once again come to Russia's attention. But with the recent developments in the Middle East, Moscow's military contracts and economic cooperation have shifted back to its traditional allies (such as Syria) in the region. In the new era, restored its relations with Syria. In this article, we intend to examine the geopolitical situation in Russia and answer the question: what factors have led to the Russian military presence in Syria? Factors directly related to the country's geopolitical characteristics, such as attention to Russian identity, Russia's inefficiency in resolving the Central Asian crisis, and Russia's turn to the Middle East, play an important role
The key point is about Russia, old and new, being a counterrevolutionary power: Russia's post- Napoleonic War and moreover post-1848 policy was counterrevolutionary abroad and conservative, even when reformist, at home, as is Russia's current post-Soviet, post-Cold War policy. However, while the current foreign policy end is Russian, the instruments of intervention, e.g. in Syria, are Soviet. The main difference as compared to both, Tsarist Russian and Soviet, is Russia's lack of a universalistic ideological justification now, notwithstanding all the attempts to revive the ideology of the Russian cultural and civilizational exceptionalism to supress liberal changes at home, and for that reason also abroad.
The Balkan Peninsula, together with the region of South-East Europe, historically has been one of the most important focal points of Russian foreign policy, cultural influences and attempts to spread an ideology of the Orthodox solidarity and the Slavic reciprocity.
The Balkan Peninsula, together with the region of South-East Europe, historically has been one of the most important focal points of Russian foreign policy, cultural influences and attempts to spread an ideology of the Orthodox solidarity and the Slavic reciprocity.
Relevance. The key factor in the development of any region is its geographical position in the socio-economic and geopolitical space of the country. In this respect, middle regions are of particular interest. Unfortunately, their unique qualities remain largely underexplored in research literature, which is the gap this article seeks to address.Research objective. The purpose of the study is to provide a definition of the concept 'middle region', describe its key characteristics and align them with the strategic priorities in the development of such regions.Data and methods. The research methodology centres around the notion of cumulative effect of the middle region and the tools for its assessment. This effect is associated with enhanced socio-economic efficiency of a territorial capital resulting from the advantages of its middle position. Among other things, this effect manifests itself through higher economic returns on investment. The empirical part of the study relies on the data on 36 Russian middle regions, their missions and priorities of strategic development.Results. The article summarizes the Russian and international theoretical approaches to the definition of the middle regions, their place and role in the territorial structure of a country and its socio-economic development. It is shown that most authors assign middle regions the role of the country's epicenter, highlighting their key role in economy, culture, politics and other spheres of life. The approach proposed in this study focuses on middle regions' position in space, on the one hand, and, on the other, sees them as systems of interactions in the socio-economic space. Based on this understanding of the middle region, several groups of Russian middle regions are identified: integrators, sustainable middle regions and developing middle regions.Conclusions. The mission of middle regions is one of the fundamental concepts of strategic management, comprising a hierarchy of goals. It is shown that although the mission of middle regions should be to become integrators of the country's socio-economic space through the network of inter-territorial and global interactions, not all Russian middle regions are ready to pursue this ambitious goal and prefer to focus on addressing internal goals of their own.
According to Russian leaders, the traditional sphere of influence of the Soviet Union, mainly Central Asia and the Caucasus, is the first defensive bulwark to protect Russia's national security; Moscow's behavior in the context of Tsarist Russia and the former Soviet Union should seek to dominate the region.However, Russia has taken different approaches to Central Asia and the Caucasus over the past two decades. A closer look at the reason for such techniques reveals that these approaches were purely tactical and aimed at realizing Russia's grand strategy in Central Asia and the Caucasus. Current trends indicate that the Russian governing body has always sought to portray Russia as an oil emperor in formulating its long-term strategy.An actor who, by promoting his position, can play a geopolitical and critical role in the field of energy and exploit Russia's energy resources and the monopoly of energy transmission pipelines as a political and economic tool to secure its geopolitical interests in the Eurasian region, particularly in relations with the European Union. This study will examine Russia's obstacles in achieving its goals in the Central Asian region and the Caucasus after the Cold War. Keywords: Russian politics, Central Asia and the Caucasus, Iran, Ukraine, Cold War, Geopolitics
This study uses the latest 2011 round of the Business Environment and Enterprise Performance Survey for the Russian Federation to take a closer look at regional-level factors influencing the business environment in Russia. Specifically, the study explores the role of regional administrations and variables of administrative continuity and governor origin in shaping regional business environment. The findings reveal that regional businesses in Russia are (1) acutely anxious about administrative transitions (as expressed in gubernatorial replacements) and favor administrative continuity, and (2) favor government officials that are locally embedded. The analysis suggests that many localities in Russia have witnessed the emergence of mutually beneficial state-business arrangements that are inimical to economic competition. This article may be used for non-commercial purposes in accordance with Wiley Terms and Conditions. http://olabout.wiley.com/WileyCDA/Section/id-820227.html
Since Russia's annexation of Crimea in March 2014, severe limitations have been placed on Ukraine's coastal state rights and navigational freedoms in the Black and Azov Seas and the Kerch Strait. The "Kerch Strait clash" in November 2018, which resulted in the Russian capture of three Ukrainian naval vessels in international waters south of the strait, can be seen as the temporary culmination of tensions that have been building up over a longer period. In violation of international law and bilateral agreements, Russia has in recent years pursued an increasingly assertive and revisionist policy in the region and sought to turn the maritime spaces on the country's southwestern flank into a "Russian lake". This policy is affecting not only the security and economy of neighbouring states such as Ukraine and Georgia, but also the strategic balance in the southeastern corner of Europe. Drawing on empirical evidence derived from Russian, Ukrainian and Western sources, as well as insights from neoclassical realist theory, this article discusses legal, economic and security aspects of Russia's ongoing quest for a dominant position in the Black Sea region. ; publishedVersion ; Unit License Agreement
В статье исследуются пути преодоления общенационального кризиса 1917 года, показаны способы взаимоотношений между властью и обществом в российской провинции. Общественно-политические объединения в ходе Великой российской революции боролись за власть преимущественно в беспартийной стране. В связи с этим показывается механизм воздействия политических сил на «революционные потоки». Одновременно пересматриваются методы установления советской власти на местах, которые использовали большевики; выясняются причины конфронтации, а затем и кризиса в демократическом лагере накануне Октября 1917 года, изучается тактика в борьбе за власть различных политических партий и объединений. Революционный взрыв сопровождается локализацией организационных мероприятий в общем направлении движения. Значит, его целесообразно рассматривать путем сравнительно-сопоставительного анализа между центром и провинцией, с одной стороны, а с другой – между отдельными губерниями в определенном регионе. Поволжье являлось своеобразным примером российской провинциальной ментальности, где все коллизии между народом и властью нашли свое выражение. В статье показаны специфические черты проявления системного кризиса, вызванного попытками модернизации России по западному образцу, и доказывается предопределенность советского выбора. Для характеристики институционных коллизий используется функционально-структурный анализ. Одновременно выявляется мотивация действий компактных социальных групп, политических партий, общественных организаций. Сравнительно-сопоставительный метод позволяет выявить общее и особенное в развитии революции. Корпус исторических источников представлен документами фондов губернских комиссаров Временного правительства, городских структур общественного управления и некоторыми материалами периодической печати. В статье ставятся и решаются научно значимые задачи, в которых рассматриваются способы и методы влияния общественно-политических сил на формы государственного строительства в условиях революции. ; In the article ways of overcoming national crisis of 1917 are considered, ways of relationship between the power and society in the Russian province are shown. Public political associations during the Great Russian revolution fought for the power mainly in the bepartiyny country. In this regard the mechanism of impact of political forces on «revolutionary streams» is considered. Methods of establishment of Soviet local authorities which were used by Bolsheviks are at the same time reconsidered. In this regard become clear the confrontation reason, and then and crisis in the democratic camp on the eve of October, 1917, questions of tactics in race for power of various political parties and associations are considered. Revolutionary explosion is followed by localization of organizational actions in the general direction of the movement. In this regard, it is expedient to consider him by the comparative and comparative analysis between the center and the province on the one hand, and with another – between certain provinces in a certain region. The Volga region was a peculiar example of Russian provincial mentality where all collisions between the people and the power have found the expression. Peculiar features of manifestation of system crisis caused by attempts of modernization of Russia on the western sample are shown in the article and predefiniteness of the Soviet choice is proved. For the characteristic of institutional collisions functional and structural analysis is used. At the same time the motivation of actions of compact social groups, political parties, public organizations comes to light. The comparative and comparative method allows to reveal the general and special in the development of revolution. The case of historical sources is presented by documents of funds of provincial commissioners of Provisional government, city structures of public management and some materials of periodicals. In the article scientific and significant tasks in which ways and methods of influence of social and political forces on forms of state construction in the conditions of revolution are considered are set and solved.
This paper analyzes convergence in per capita gross regional product of Russia's regions during the period 1995-2010, when regional data are available. Using a panel regression framework we find no evidence for beta-convergence. Instead we find divergence, which is, however, attenuated over time. Robustness checks that use regional real income instead of gross regional product confirm this outcome as do non-parametric estimates of convergence, namely estimates using Markov transition probability matrices and stochastic kernel plots of regional relative income. Decompositions of regional income and gross regional product also find no sigma-convergence of Russian regions. These decompositions point to the geographical concentration of extractive activities in the Urals and of business services and of the public administration in the Moscow area as the main culprit for this lack of convergence. They also establish that despite reforms to equalize provisions of public goods across Russia, the social services sector of the public administration, education and health still do not have the expected equalizing impact on regional income.
The article examines аn ambitious рlаn to create а unifiеd imperial estate of Muslim clergy that was launched in the соrе аnd bоrdеrlаnd areas of tsarist Russia during the Great Reforms. Given the аbsеnсе of church аnd clergy as such in Islam, imperial lawmakers from the Ministry of Intеrnаl Affairs invеntеd them in the framework of previously established muftiates, the first of which was established in the Volga-Ural rеgion as the Оrеnbuгg Моhаmmеdаn Spiritual Assembly ассоrding to the edict bу Саthеrinе II in 1788. Under the rеign of Аlехаndеr II two separate muftiates were set ир iп Transcaucasia in 1872. Mosque соngrеgаtiоns were turnеd intо parishes modeled in the Orthodox fashion. Like Orthodox priests in а bureaucratized hierarchy of the Holy Sуnоd, loyal Muslim 'ulama' were intrоduсеd intо the imperial аdministrаtiоn at village, district and provincial levels, which granted them the privileged status of Muslim clergy. There were also орроnеnts of this рlаn in the War Мinistrу which discouraged the сrеаtiоn of new muftiates in аnnехеd Muslim rеgiоns аnd succeeded in саrrуing out the so-called politics of "disregard of Muslim clergy" in the North Caucasus аnd Тurkistan. ; В статье исследуется амбициозный план по созданию единого государственного класса мусульманского духовенства, реализация которого началась в Центральной России и на периферии в эпоху Великих реформ. Принимая во внимание отсутствие в исламе церкви и духовенства как таковых, имперские законодатели из Министерства иностранных дел собирались создать их на основе уже существовавших муфтиятов, первый из которых был учреждён в 1788 г. по указу Екатерины II в Волго-Уральском регионе под именем Оренбургское магометанское духовное собрание. В годы царствования Александра II два отдельных муфтията были учреждены в Закавказье в 1872 году. Общины при мечетях были трансформированы в приходы, организованные по образцу православных. Подобно православным священникам в бюрократизированной структуре Священного Синода, местные мусульманские 'улама были включены в имперскую систему управления на сельском, районном и областном уровнях. Эта интеграция давала им привилегированный статус мусульманского духовного лица. У этого плана существовали противники в Военном министерстве, которые препятствовали созданию новых муфтиятов на присоединённых мусульманских территориях и следовали политике «игнорирования мусульманского духовенства» на Северном Кавказе и в Туркестане.
In the article social and political differentiation of the population of the Volga region, shown in the election campaigns of 1917 is presented; social and economic requirements of workers, soldiers, peasants are revealed; ways of influence of society on power in revolution are analysed. ; В статье представлена социально-политическая дифференциация населения Поволжья, проявившаяся в избирательных кампаниях 1917 года; выявлены социально-экономические требования рабочих, солдат, крестьян; проанализированы способы воздействия социума на власть в революции.
In the last years, the Russian Federation has been in the global spotlight due to a series of assertive attitudes in his 'near abroad' and beyond. A central debate in the IR discipline and the regional studies on the Post-Soviet Space and the Middle East has been on the sources and nature of that 'new' regional and global policy. Russia used to have low profile in the Middle East during the Post-Cold War years, but the escalation in the Syria Civil War due to the imminent fall of the Al-Assad Regime provoked a critical juncture that pushed Russia to support military its ally. The article argues that Russia has recovered the great power status due to a military intervention in the Middle East which has been a spin-off of the U.S. hegemonic retreat after the failure of Iraq and the Obama's decision not to act in Syria. At the same time, Russia also has operated with an acceptable degree of military efficacy on a regional order separate from its immediate zone of interest. The new involvement provides us a significant indicator of a status upgrade since the latent capabilities become actual with the projection of military strength overseas. Recebido em: Agosto/2018. Aprovado em: Outubro/2018.
This article examines how Volga-Ural Muslims narrated their encounters with the sacred spaces visited during the hajj. It examines nine accounts hajj composed from the 1690s to the 1940s, to consider how changes in international politics, Russia's domestic politics, and the culture of Islamic learning within the Volga-Ural Muslim community led to writers to revise narratives of why the sacred spaces of Mecca were sacred, how best to experience the power of these sacred spaces, and how these sacred spaces fit into the local culture of Volga-Ural Islam under Russian and Soviet rule.
