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Numerous reports and analyses of voter turnout levels have recorded the global trend of declining participation by citizens in national elections. One of the most important results of poor participation of citizens in electoral processes is the serious legitimization deficit. Governments in many countries try to prevent that by taking various measures to solve the problem of falling turnout and to increase the level of the electorate's involvement. In Poland, the low turnout level has been the subject of many scholarly discussions aimed at finding solutions to the problem of poor civic participation. The main goal of this study is to assess the various methods of increasing voter turnout which are used in different countries, including Poland. ; Numerous reports and analyses of voter turnout levels have recorded the global trend of declining participation by citizens in national elections. One of the most important results of poor participation of citizens in electoral processes is the serious legitimization deficit. Governments in many countries try to prevent that by taking various measures to solve the problem of falling turnout and to increase the level of the electorate's involvement. In Poland, the low turnout level has been the subject of many scholarly discussions aimed at finding solutions to the problem of poor civic participation. The main goal of this study is to assess the various methods of increasing voter turnout which are used in different countries, including Poland.

The focal point of this paper is voter turnout in the self-government elections in Poland. Particular attention is given to the turnout in the city with district rights, Łódź. This city provides an interesting place of research, both on account of its peculiar location in the center of Poland, and its recent cultural, economic and political transformation. A local referendum on the dismissal of the city mayor, held on January 10, 2010, is worth mentioning. Łódź was the first large Polish city (with a population of over 500,000) where a one-man executive organ was dismissed before the end of his term. In the paper, the results of parliamentary election turnouts are juxtaposed with self-government election turnouts. Voter turnout is analyzed for each term of the self-government in Łódź, and the types and reasons for absence are indicated. The author uses these data to emphasize that over the twenty years of self-government's existence, voting procedures in Poland have not changed and are the most conservative in Europe.

The focal point of this paper is voter turnout in the self-government elections in Poland. Particular attention is given to the turnout in the city with district rights, Łódź. This city provides an interesting place of research, both on account of its peculiar location in the center of Poland, and its recent cultural, economic and political transformation. A local referendum on the dismissal of the city mayor, held on January 10, 2010, is worth mentioning. Łódź was the first large Polish city (with a population of over 500,000) where a one-man executive organ was dismissed before the end of his term. In the paper, the results of parliamentary election turnouts are juxtaposed with self-government election turnouts. Voter turnout is analyzed for each term of the self-government in Łódź, and the types and reasons for absence are indicated. The author uses these data to emphasize that over the twenty years of self-government's existence, voting procedures in Poland have not changed and are the most conservative in Europe.

One of the gravest problems of modern democracies is undoubtedly low electoral turnout. Numerous states try to prevent low turnout in different ways. One method to increase it may involve the introduction of compulsory voting, which is a legally regulated prescript to participate in an election. The principal goal of this paper is to attempt to answer the question of whether imposing compulsory voting, and thus obtaining a higher voter turnout, increases the legitimization of representative bodies. The issue of imposing compulsory voting is controversial and does not necessarily have to provide an effective solution to diminishing voter turnout. This is particularly valid for Central and Eastern European states, where imposing an obligation to vote on citizens can be contrary to saving democracy and the legitimization of public authorities. There is a risk that the citizens of countries that found themselves in the orbit of the Soviet Union after WWII may associate compulsory voting with their undemocratic past and as another attack on their rights. ; One of the gravest problems of modern democracies is undoubtedly low electoral turnout. Numerous states try to prevent low turnout in different ways. One method to increase it may involve the introduction of compulsory voting, which is a legally regulated prescript to participate in an election. The principal goal of this paper is to attempt to answer the question of whether imposing compulsory voting, and thus obtaining a higher voter turnout, increases the legitimization of representative bodies. The issue of imposing compulsory voting is controversial and does not necessarily have to provide an effective solution to diminishing voter turnout. This is particularly valid for Central and Eastern European states, where imposing an obligation to vote on citizens can be contrary to saving democracy and the legitimization of public authorities. There is a risk that the citizens of countries that found themselves in the orbit of the Soviet Union after WWII may associate compulsory voting with their undemocratic past and as another attack on their rights.

The low and constantly decreasing voter turnout in the European Parliamentary elections has recently become a significant concern for both the EU and national authorities. The reasons for this state of affairs, however, to a large extent should be sought in the 'statistical' effect of the EU enlargement by the new member states, where the turnout tends to be low in all types of elections. It should be observed that after the third elections, the turnout in the 'old' EU has stabilized at the level of 52–53%, and the claims that it has decreased dramatically are erroneous. The situation is quite different in the new member states, where the turnout has actually decreased by several percent since the 2004 elections. It can be claimed then that the low turnout is not a result of the member states' citizens' decreasing interest in EU matters, but rather of a general aversion towards politics and politicians. Comparing the turnout in the elections to the European Parliament, and national parliaments, one can observe that the difference is similar in all the countries, and amounts to approx. 30%. This difference follows from the fact that EU citizens treat the European Parliamentary elections as 'second-division elections' (of secondary significance) that in their opinion do not have a significant influence. Therefore, it appears that one should look for the reasons why general turnover has fallen, rather than exclusively at that in EP elections. What will be the remedy for this low turnout? Firstly, the voters need to be informed about the significance of the decisions taken by the EP to their everyday life. Advantageous outcomes could also be provided by the reforms of election law, such as the changed time of the polls or the introduction of preferential voting in all the states. It is also important to continue and develop the campaign which promotes voting, conducted by NGOs, as well as by the EU institutions.

One of the gravest problems of modern democracies is undoubtedly low electoral turnout. Numerous states try to prevent low turnout in different ways. One method to increase it may involve the introduction of compulsory voting, which is a legally regulated prescript to participate in an election. The principal goal of this paper is to attempt to answer the question of whether imposing compulsory voting, and thus obtaining a higher voter turnout, increases the legitimization of representative bodies. The issue of imposing compulsory voting is controversial and does not necessarily have to provide an effective solution to diminishing voter turnout. This is particularly valid for Central and Eastern European states, where imposing an obligation to vote on citizens can be contrary to saving democracy and the legitimization of public authorities. There is a risk that the citizens of countries that found themselves in the orbit of the Soviet Union after WWII may associate compulsory voting with their undemocratic past and as another attack on their rights.

The article aims at describing the regional differentiation of the turnout and of the support for major political parties in the parliamentary elections of 19 September 1994. Having analysed the aforesaid differentiation, one may note voividships with a consistently high (Wielkopolska, Małopolska) and consistently low electoral turnouts. Compared to the elections of 1991, the support for the Democratic Left Alliance has grown considerably throughout the whole country except the Zamosc voivodship, whereas the support for the Democratic Union has increased only in 7 voivodships (including the Poznań voivodship). One of the principal axes of competition was between peasant parties (PSL, PSL-PL) and townspeople parties (the Democratic Union, the Liberal Democratic Congress, the Labour Union). ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The aim of the article was the analysis of electoral characteristics of the Sub-Carpathian Voivodeship, as well as varied political preferences of citizens, with special consideration of years 1989–2015. The basis for presenting the considerations were the election results to Sejm, as well as the results of elections to the European Parliament, by means of which it was possible to indicate recurring cyclicality of right-wing political support of the citizens of that area. High election turnout in Sub-Carpathia in comparison the nation-wide turnout was also included in the analysis. The most important part of the discussion was the answer to the question of what factors determined changes in political support of the Sub-Carpathian Voivodeship citizens and whether the contemporary political activity of the entities participating in political competition reflects historical and cultural conditioning of the partitions of Poland. ; Celem artykułu była analiza wyborczej specyfiki województwa podkarpackiego, a także zróżnicowanych preferencji politycznych mieszkańców ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem lat 1989–2015. Podstawę do zaprezentowania rozważań stanowiły wyniki wyborów do Sejmu, a także wyniki elekcji do Parlamentu Europejskiego, za pomocą których można było wskazać powtarzającą się cykliczność prawicowych sympatii politycznych mieszkańców tego obszaru. Analizie poddano również wysoką frekwencję wyborczą na Podkarpaciu w porównaniu z frekwencją ogólnokrajową. Najważniejszą częścią przeprowadzonych rozważań była odpowiedź na pytanie o to, jakie czynniki determinowały zmianę sympatii politycznych mieszkańców województwa podkarpackiego oraz czy współczesna aktywność wyborcza podmiotów uczestniczących w rywalizacji politycznej odzwierciedlała historyczne i kulturowe uwarunkowania historycznych podziałów Polski z okresu zaborów.

Autorka wskazuje, iż pełnią wybory wiele funkcji. Tą, na której skupia ona swą uwagę w artykule jest funkcja legitymizacyjna. W pierwszej części charakteryzuje krótko pojęcie legitymizacji, odnosząc się do klasycznej koncepcji Maxa Webera i nawiązuje do ustaleń Davida Eastona i Davida Beethama. W drugiej koncentruje się na problemie legitymizacji demokratycznej, w której istotnym elementem jest legitymizacja wyborcza. W ostatniej wykazuje, że frekwencja wyborcza jest jednym z najistotniejszych czynników legitymizujących władzę i to niezależnie od tego czy mamy do czynienia z systemem demokratycznym, czy niedemokratycznym. According to the author of the paper, elections perform many functions. The paper focuses on the legitimacy function. In the first part of the paper the concept of legitimacy is briefly characterized, with reference to the classic concept of Max Weber and the distinctions developed by David Easton and David Beethem. The second part focuses on the problem of democratic legitimacy for which electoral legitimacy is essential.In the last part of the paper, is also pointed out that no matter what the political system is – democratic or undemocratic – voting turnout is one of the most important legitimizing factors.

This article examines the Upper Silesia plebiscite of 20 March 1921. The plebiscite was recognized by the Supreme Council of the Paris Peace Conference as the most effective instrument for appraising the local population's political preferences and their support for remaining in Germany or merging with Poland. Despite seemingly equal campaigning efforts and similar voter turnout, the proposed solution featured several limitations with more profound consequences for Poland. Only a part of Upper Silesia was covered by the plebiscite; the date of the plebiscite was announced less than a month before the event (both the local residents and the emigrants could vote); the German administration and representatives of the middle class (the bourgeoisie) and the upper class (aristocrats) exerted political pressure on local communities with Polish sentiments; the number of peacekeeping troops was insufficient to guarantee a fair Polish campaign and the emigrants' participation in the vote, including in the plebiscite area. Although their impact is difficult to determine, the above factors undoubtedly contributed to the absolute victory of German supporters. Despite the above, the proposed solution was not effective in dividing Upper Silesia into separate regions occupied by Polish and German communities.

The Treaty of Lisbon, which became effective on December 1 2009, provides for the transformation of the European Union into a more democratic, efficient and united community. This paper attempts to assess to what extent its provisions are reflected in the current reality of a united Europe. On the one hand, democratic legitimization of the EU is growing as a result of increasing competencies of the European Parliament, the rights of national parliaments, and so-called citizens' initiatives. However, the turnout in the last European elections, the increasing popularity of extremist right-wing parties, the work of the European Convention and restrictions imposed on the free movement of persons show that EU practice is far from the complete implementation of democratic values. Secondly, the Lisbon Treaty provides for higher EU efficiency in the international arena. This cannot be achieved, though, by electing people devoid of charisma, experience and a vision of a united Europe to the highest positions, such as EU president or chief of diplomacy. Last but not least, the new treaty provides for energy solidarity. Yet the work of the European Parliament, which is expected to translate these words into practice, is burdened by an increasing number of doubts and difficulties.

The Treaty of Lisbon, which became effective on December 1 2009, provides for the transformation of the European Union into a more democratic, efficient and united community. This paper attempts to assess to what extent its provisions are reflected in the current reality of a united Europe. On the one hand, democratic legitimization of the EU is growing as a result of increasing competencies of the European Parliament, the rights of national parliaments, and so-called citizens' initiatives. However, the turnout in the last European elections, the increasing popularity of extremist right-wing parties, the work of the European Convention and restrictions imposed on the free movement of persons show that EU practice is far from the complete implementation of democratic values. Secondly, the Lisbon Treaty provides for higher EU efficiency in the international arena. This cannot be achieved, though, by electing people devoid of charisma, experience and a vision of a united Europe to the highest positions, such as EU president or chief of diplomacy. Last but not least, the new treaty provides for energy solidarity. Yet the work of the European Parliament, which is expected to translate these words into practice, is burdened by an increasing number of doubts and difficulties.

The author analyses the factors that weaken the influence of the principles of meritocracy on the institutions and public policy. He indicates that a meritocratic approach to governance in the programming of public actions has become a resource for obtaining legitimacy of power in Poland to a limited extent. The advantages of meritocracy (the "efficiency" and "justice") have not been exploited on a significant scale. As a result, there is a significant illegitimacy of the democratic system, as well as the weakening of the society identification with the state. This phenomenon is characterized by low prestige of politicians and a poor voter turnout. The author draws attention to the fact that meritocratic management mechanisms of public institutions in Poland are significantly reduced due to numerous factors – the appropriation of the state by political parties, institutional nomadism of the elite, the rules of political capitalism, a soft state and theinstitutionalization of non-responsibility or activities of various interest groups andbackstage actors of politics. ; Autor analizuje czynniki, które osłabiają oddziaływanie zasad merytokracji na instytucje i politykę państwa. Wskazuje, że merytokratyczne podejście do rządzenia, w tym programowania działań publicznych, jedynie w ograniczonym zakresie stało się zasobem służącym do uzyskiwania prawomocności władzy w Polsce. Atuty merytokracji (jak "wydajność" i "sprawiedliwość") nie zostały w tym celu uruchomione w znaczącej skali. W konsekwencji doszło do znaczącego delegitymizowania prawomocności ustroju demokratycznego, a także osłabienia identyfikacji społeczeństwa z państwem. Miarą tego zjawiska jest m.in. niski prestiż polityków i duża absencja wyborcza. Autor zwraca uwagę na to, że mechanizmy zarządzania merytokratycznego w instytucjach publicznych w Polscesą znacząco zredukowane z uwagi na oddziaływanie wielu czynników – zawłaszczaniepaństwa przez partie polityczne, instytucjonalny nomadyzm elit, reguły kapitalizmupolitycznego, miękkie państwo i instytucjonalizację nieodpowiedzialności lub działańrozmaitych grup interesu i zakulisowych podmiotów polityki.

The text presents a comparative analysis of participation of Poles residing abroad in national elections in Poland (both parliamentary and presidential) over the last two decades (1990-2011). There were seven parliamentary and five presidential elections in Poland during this period. The text contains a detailed analysis of particular elections based on the State Electoral Commission database, including the number of registered voters and votes cast abroad, the turnout level and the number of polling stations established out of Poland. Taking into account the long-term trends, there is a noticeable increase in the number of votes cast abroad in state elections after 2004. This is a direct effect of the growing number of Poles living abroad after Poland's accession to the EU, but it is also due to the fact that diaspora became an important target group for political elites and media during the electoral campaigns. Thus, the changing number of votes cast abroad has been influenced by various factors related on the one hand to the socio-political situation and, on the other - to the elections organization process, including the voter's registration scheme, the number of polling stations established abroad and the system of voting. The political preferences of Polish voters abroad are different from the population voting in the country. Additionally, when the political parties' support is examined, there are visible differences between Poles residing in American and European countries. The text consists of three main parts. The first presents general trends in electoral participation of Poles abroad in national elections. In the second part, there is a detailed data analysis (both qualitative and quantitative) of all elections (presidential and parliamentary) in the years 1990-2011. The concluding part summarizes the internal and external factors which determine the dynamics of the participation level of Poles abroad in national elections.

The analysis of the elections treated as a tool for selecting representatives in commune councils, district councils and province assemblies as well as selecting provincial governors, and mayors of the cities, demonstrates that the aforementioned kinds of elections are significantly different from presidential, parliamentary and European elections. It can be stated that the main aim of the local government elections is to unite society. In addition, the years 2010 to 2014 were marked by a major decline in the number of voters in Opole Voivodeship. It is worth mentioning that, in 2014, there was an increase in the threshold which appeared to be a differentiating factor between the majority election system and proportional representation system. This has not led to changes in the number of local election committees, but it has resulted in a decline in the number of candidates in elections as well as an increase in the voter turnout. Furthermore, the implementation of the single mandate constituencies in municipalities in Opole Voivodeship has given an opportunity for independent candidates to be successful. Interestingly, political affiliations have not affected the commune council elections. What is more, significant changes were mainly visible in municipalities in which proportional representation system and multiple mandate constituencies used to be applicable during previous elections. It can be claimed that the independent candidates have obtained equal opportunities in competition with the candidates belonging to parties. ; Analiza wyborów do rad gmin, rad powiatów i sejmików województw oraz wójtów, burmistrzów i prezydentów miast wskazuje na ich odmienny charakter od elekcji prezydenckich i parlamentarnych oraz euroelekcji. Zasadniczą ich rolą jest integracja społeczności. W województwie opolskim w latach 2010-2014 zanotowano znaczny spadek liczby wyborców. Główną zmianą prawną było podniesienie w 2014 r. progu rozgraniczającego system wyborów większościowych od systemu wyborów proporcjonalnych. W regionie nie zmieniło to liczby komitetów wyborczych o charakterze regionalnym i lokalnym, uczestniczących w elekcji, zmalała łączna liczba kandydatów na radnych wszystkich szczebli, wzrosła natomiast frekwencja wyborcza. Wprowadzenie jednomandatowych okręgów wyborczych we wszystkich gminach województwa dało wyraźnie większą szansę na końcowy sukces kandydatom niezależnym. Szyld partyjny kandydatom do rad gminnych nie pomagał. Zmiany były widoczne szczególnie w tych gminach, w których wcześniej obowiązywał system proporcjonalny oraz istniały wielomandatowe okręgi wyborcze. Tam po raz pierwszy kandydaci niezależni mieli równe szanse na sukces z kandydatami zgłoszonymi przez partie polityczne.