Suchergebnisse

Die vorliegende Studie geht der Frage nach, wie im Reichsstift Quedlinburg während der wettinischen Schutzherrschaft (1477/79–1698) die Herrschaft zwischen den fürstlichen Äbtissinnen, dem Stiftskapitel und den Schutzherren bzw. Erbvögten verteilt und organisiert war. Sie fragt danach, wie das Stift verfaßt war. Es wurde versucht, soweit es möglich ist, das Reichsstift Quedlinburg innerhalb eines Zeitraumes von gut 200 Jahren als politisches System zu analysieren. Um diese Frage beantworten zu können, werden in der Hauptsache zwei symbolische Handlungen untersucht: Introduktion und Huldigung. Im ersten Hauptteil werden die Herrschaftsrechte und -grundlagen aufgezeigt, um dann im folgenden Hauptteil Herrschaftsanspruch und -wirklichkeit dieser drei Herrschaftsträger anhand des Zeremonielles zu überprüfen. Zudem interessieren die Fragen, ob es im Untersuchungszeitraum zu Veränderungen der Stiftsverfassung kam, wenn ja, worin diese bestanden, von wem sie ausgegangen und wer davon wie betroffen war. Von Interesse ist ebenso der Zugriff der untersuchten Akteure auf die Stiftsuntertanen, deren Wahrnehmung von Herrschaft und wie sich diese ihnen präsentierte. ; The thesis deals with the Imperial Abbey of Quedlinburg (Holy Roman Empire) during the protection of the dukes and electors of Saxony (1477–1698). Its constitution and political system are at the centre of attention: how was rulership split up among the Imperial abbess, the chapter and the Saxonian protectors? In order to answer that question two symbolic acts are analyzed: the introduction of a new abbess and the homage to her and her protector. Moreover it is of interest whether the abbey contitution was ever changend and if so, why. How did each of the rulers (abbes, chapter, protector) present power to their subjects? How did theese subjects perceive rulership?

The attention-grabbing act of planting a national flag of titanium on the seabed beneath the North Pole in 2007 made clear just how serious Russia's geopolitical ambitions in the north are. Several important lines of cultural-historical discourse verify Russia's self-understanding as a "northern" nation. This dimension has often been neglected in favour of cliched comparisons of Russia and Europe. But even Russian concepts of the north are by no means homogenous. In the past two centuries, the north was repeatedly imagined as the place of origin of Russia's national culture and form of government. Simultaneously, there were movements towards disengagement and rejection, in which the autochthonous Slavic element was played off the northern, Scandinavian element, something that was seen as alien. Adapted from the source document.

The image of the soldier, his role in state and society and also the understanding of his profession have always been subject to a continuous, partly aggravating process of change. In the last two centuries it occurred mostly gradually and developed over a loqger period of time. In the recent past, however, we have witnessed a tremendously fast progressing process of change in the wake of a phenomenon which we call "globalization". For large portions of the population globalization offers excellent opportunities for an improvement of their quality and standard of life. It promotes the economic development, expedites technological advance and raises worldwide prosperity. Today, the globalization affects nearly all areas of life. Its implications are ubiquitous and increasingly noticeable in everyday life -also and especially for the soldier. (Europäische Sicherheit / SWP)

Australia & New Zealand have often been labeled as pioneers of modern democracies & as rich welfare state laggards. Whereas the pioneer status of the two Antipodean democracies with respect to the institutionalization of rules of modern democratic participation & competition can be confirmed, it is much more doubtful to categorize both countries as latecomers of national welfare state policies in a broader sense than it has commonly been used in comparative welfare state analyses. In this article, I will mainly focus on the peculiar Australasian policy mix of what Francis Castles has labeled the "wage earners' welfare state" & "the politics of domestic defense." As this policy regime has been radically reformed during the last two centuries resulting in a genuine shift in the Australian & New Zealandian type of welfare capitalism, both countries fit better than ever before into the liberal cluster of Gosta Esping-Andersen's comparative regime typology. 2 Tables, 42 References. Adapted from the source document.

Hunger has never been a stable term. How people have understood and defined it, changed over time, along with a changing understanding of the body, its functions, physiological mechanisms and its needs. The paper follows these changes in a long-term multiperspective approach for the last two centuries. It argues, that hunger first was understood as a dangerous feeling, that eventually developed political power. To define hunger by physiology can thus be meant and understood as a means to articulate bodily needs and to point to the necessity of their satisfaction. Nonetheless, these definitions of hunger are not neutral or objective, moreover they may not be used for certain groups of people or under certain economic or social conditions, they may even be counterproductive, as they reduce empathy with the hungry.

"The role of migration for Christianity as a world religion during the last two centuries has drawn considerable attention from scholars in different fields. The main issue this book seeks to address is the question whether and to what extent migration and diaspora formation should be considered as elements of a new historiography of global Christianity, including the reflection upon earlier epochs. By focusing on migration and diaspora, the emerging map of Christianity will include the dimension of movement and interaction between actors in different regions, providing a more comprehensive 'map of agency' of individuals and groups previously regarded as passive. Furthermore, local histories will become parts of a broader picture and historiography might correlate both local and transregional perspectives in a balanced manner. Behind this approach lies the desire to broaden the perspective of Ecclesiastical History - and religious history in general - in a more systematic manner by questioning the traditional criteria of selection. This might help us to recover previously lost actors and forgotten dynamics."

Im Zuge der Aufklärung kam die Idee auf, dass Demokratien eine friedliche Außenpolitik betreiben würden. Verschiedene Politiker aus dem liberalen Spektrum haben in den vergangenen zweihundert Jahren mit dieser Vorstellung sympathisiert und dennoch Kriege geführt, wenn sie an der Macht waren. Der Band untersucht dieses widersprüchliche Phänomen – angefangen mit Thomas Jeffersons Vorstellungen von Krieg und Frieden, über William E. Gladstones Intervention in Ägypten und die Entscheidung David Lloyd Georges und Woodrow Wilsons zum Eintritt in den Ersten Weltkrieg bis hin zu John F. Kennedys Eingreifen in Vietnam. Zudem werden Joschka Fischers Unterstützung für eine Intervention im Kosovo, Tony Blairs Beteiligung am Irakkrieg und Barack Obamas Drohnenkrieg gegen den Terror betrachtet. During the Enlightenment the idea emerged that democracies would pursue a peaceful foreign policy. Various liberal politicians sympathised with this concept during the last two centuries, yet still fought wars when they came into power. This volume analyses this controversial phenomenon – from Thomas Jefferson's conception of war and peace; William E. Gladstone's intervention in Egypt to David Lloyd George's and Woodrow Wilson's decision to enter the First World War, up to John F. Kennedy's intervention in Vietnam. Additionally, the volume focuses on Joschka Fischer's support of an intervention in Kosovo, Tony Blair's involvement in the Iraq war and Barack Obama's drone war against terrorism.

In this paper the term 'globalisation' means the international integration of nationally organised markets in conjunction with increasing cross-country flows of factors of production. According to this globalisation has been under way for centuries. Globalisation is not a completely autonomous, not even a solely market driven process. Historically, it is for the most part determined by decisions of nation states. In times of globalisation speeding up, typically social and political debates start about the driving forces, extent and impact of globalisation. Already two centuries ago, globalisation has been discussed in a similar way as today. Initially, there is a debate about the organisation of the foreign trade regime. Because change of social and economic structures is an integral part of globalisation, the debate about the impact of structural change is constituent in globalisation discourses. Winners and losers of the structural change try to improve their social position through foreign trade policy. These two levels of globalisation discourses are usually distorted by the argument that globalisation and the induced change of societal structures provoke adverse effects on the prevailing system of values. Because of this the globalisation discourse becomes a matter of emotion and disproportionately complex. The paper demonstrates the three levels of a typical globalisation discourse by using three examples. First, the actual globalisation discourse will be discussed. Second, in Germany at the beginning of the 20th century globalisation has been hotly debated under the heading "agrarian versus industrial state". Third, the typical globalisation discourse can also be outlined by the dispute about the reform policy in Prussia in the early 19th century.

Der Tod eines princeps und die Nachfolge eines neuen stellten im gesamten Zeitraum des Prinzipats eine Herausforderung für die domus principis dar, da zur Vermeidung von Unruhen oder gar Bürgerkriegen ein reibungsloser Übergang gesichert werden musste. Speziell die Stellung der Kaiserin, die zugleich Ehefrau des verstorbenen und Mutter des nachfolgenden princeps war, wurde durch die Herrschaftsübergabe nachhaltig verändert. In den ersten beiden Jahrhunderten erlebten lediglich zwei Frauen solch einen Wechsel, und die zeitgenössische Wahrnehmung beider wurde daraufhin verändert. Ihre ambivalente Rolle als Ehefrau des einen und Mutter des nachfolgenden princeps ist direkt mit der auctoritas des princeps verbunden. Als Teil der domus principis trugen die Frauen in positiver oder negativer Hinsicht zu dieser auctoritas bei, welche die Voraussetzung der Akzeptanz der Herrschaft eines princeps war. ; Th e death of one princeps and the succession of another posed a challenge for the domus principis during the entire principate because an unobstructed change had to be assured to prevent agitation or even civil war. Particularly the empress, who was simultaneously the wife of the deceased and the mother of the following princeps, was deeply aff ected by that succession. Only two women of the fi rst two centuries (Livia and Agrippina minor) experienced such a change, and the contemporary perception of both women was modifi ed for that reason. Th e ambivalent role as wife of one and mother of the following princeps is directly related to the auctoritas of the princeps. As part of the royal family the women of the domus principis contributed positively or negatively to that auctoritas, which was a requirement for the acceptance of the reign of a princeps.

For at least two centuries, democratic representation has been at the center of debate. Should elected representatives express the views of the majority, or do they have the discretion to interpret their constituents' interests? How can representatives balance the desires of their parties and their electors? What should be done to strengthen the representation of groups that have been excluded from the political system? Representative democracy itself remains frequently contested, regarded as incapable of reflecting the will of the masses, or inadequate for today's global governance. Recently, however, this view of democratic representation has been under attack for its failure to capture the performative and constructive elements of the process of representation, and a new literature more attentive to these aspects of the relationship between representatives and the represented has arisen. In Creating Political Presence, a diverse and international group of scholars explores the implications of such a turn. Two broad, overlapping perspectives emerge. In the first section, the contributions investigate how political representation relates to empowerment, either facilitating or interfering with the capacity of citizens to develop autonomous judgment in collective decision making. Contributions in the second section look at representation from the perspective of inclusion, focusing on how representative relationships and claims articulate the demands of those who are excluded or have no voice. The final section examines political representation from a more systemic perspective, exploring its broader environmental conditions and the way it acquires democratic legitimacy.

Since the beginning of the 19th century, orally transmitted songs in the Alpine region have been increasingly transcribed into music notation. The translation of sound into writing poses an essential problem of ethnomusicology; here we can study this process in a field that is clearly defined and delimited and has experienced many different forms of music transcription over a period of more than two centuries. The present research results provide insight into the processes by which wordless singing in the German-speaking Alpine region was transcribed and how the results affected musical traditions. Characteristics of alpine yodeling and related singing styles came under the influence of norms of notation-based music, in particular diatonic scales and the formal characteristics of written songs. Music notation functions as a transformative technology, which helps to shape the content and form of music and leads to new possibilities as well as to limitations in the presentation and storage of musical content. - Seit dem Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts wurden mündlich tradierte Gesangs­gattungen im Alpenraum zunehmend musikalisch transkribiert. Die Übersetzung des Klangs in Schrift, eine wesentliche Thematik der Musikethnologie, kann hier in einem Feld beobachtet werden, das klar definiert und abgegrenzt wird und diesen Prozess der Verschriftlichung über rund zwei Jahrhunderte in vielfältigen Aus­prägungen erlebte. Die vorliegenden Forschungsresultate geben Einsicht in die Prozesse, durch welche der wortlose Gesang im deutschsprachigen Alpenraum verschriftlicht wurde, und die daraus erfolgten Rückwirkungen auf die musikalische Tradierung. Merkmale des alpenländischen Jodlers und verwandter Gesangsstile wurden von den Normen der schriftbasierten Musik, im Speziellen von diatonischen Tonskalen und den formalen Eigenschaften von Liedern, überlagert. Musiknotation funk­tioniert hierbei als transformative Technologie, welche den Inhalt und die Form der Musik mitgestaltet und sowohl zu neuen Möglichkeiten als auch zu Einschränkungen in der Darstellung und Speicherung musikalischer Inhalte führt.

This contribution undertakes to shed light on three facets: To begin with, the use of the seaport motif in Roman lyrical poetry of the two centuries around the birth of Christ covers a complex and variegated associative spectrum of human feeling. Within that spectrum, aspects such as protection, refuge or the end of a journey by no means always have positive connotations. What is more, the motif is assigned different functions from one genre to the next. It can serve as a multiply utilizable mirror of the author's own literary production or of personal sensitivities with regard to interpersonal relationships or biographical crises. And it is a device used as much in praise of the times and the emperor as for the purposes of indignant cultural and social criticism. Finally, relationships to non-lyrical literary text types become evident, particularly with regard to prose literature of a historiographical, rhetorical and political-philosophical nature. In any case, when viewed from the out-side, the latter suggest a wide range of interdependencies and concretizations above all with regard to contemporary discourses. Late Republican and Early Imperial products and producers of lyrical poetry were thus not only recipients but also active participants in a system of intellectual debate. Within this context, the perception, conception, and literary processing of the maritime constitute a substantial and complex - but at the same time ambiguous analogue - element of the history of the maritime-oriented mentality of antiquity, a history highly complex with regard to form and content alike.