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Since the implementation of the reform and opening-up policies by Deng Xiaoping in 1978, China has undergone a series of rapid changes that have turned it into a great power with prospects for global leadership. Its rise has not only opened up the possibility that, for the first time in the last two centuries, a non-Western country could once again rise to the top of the international order. The changes in China over the past four decades have also refuted a considerable number of assumptions and arguments held from different angles of the social and political sciences. This paper will analyze how the rise of China has debunked some of the main paradigms and theories in the field of International Relations, social movements, democratization, and globalization. The present study concludes that the multidimensional implications of China's rise were not, to a large extent, anticipated by some of the mainstream theories of these disciplines. ; Since the implementation of the reform and opening-up policies by Deng Xiaoping in 1978, China has undergone a series of rapid changes that have turned it into a great power with prospects for global leadership. Its rise has not only opened up the possibility that, for the first time in the last two centuries, a non-Western country could once again rise to the top of the international order. The changes in China over the past four decades have also refuted a considerable number of assumptions and arguments held from different angles of the social and political sciences. This paper will analyze how the rise of China has debunked some of the main paradigms and theories in the field of International Relations, democratization, and globalization. The present study concludes that the multidimensional implications of China's rise were not, to a large extent, anticipated by some of the mainstream theories of these disciplines.

Scholarship over the last two centuries has debated once and again without reaching a consensus over the meeting held by Alfonso XI in Medina del Campo in 1328, considered by some historians as an authentic parliament (Cortes) while others deny it. With the transcription of this legal code (Ordenamiento) and its comparison with the edited account of the proceedings of the Cortes held in Madrid in 1329, our purpose is to lay to rest the debate provoked by this assembly. Furthermore, we intend to present additional information relating to the salient legislative work undertaken by this Castilian monarch. ; Durante los dos últimos siglos la controversia historiográfica ha envuelto en una cierta nebulosa la reunión mantenida por Alfonso XI en Medina del Campo en el año 1328, siendo calificada por algunos historiadores de auténticas Cortes o negando, otros, su propia existencia. Con la transcripción en estas páginas del Ordenamiento elaborado en ella, así como con el análisis realizado del texto y su cotejo con las actas editadas de las Cortes madrileñas de 1329, se espera cerrar, quizá definitivamente, la larga polémica suscitada por esta asamblea, a la vez que aportar algunos datos más sobre la sobresaliente labor legislativa llevada a cabo por el monarca castellano.Scholarship over the last two centuries has debated once and again without reaching a consensus over the meeting held by Alfonso XI in Medina del Campo in 1328, considered by some historians as an authentic parliament (Cortes) while others deny it. With the transcription of this legal code (Ordenamiento) and its comparison with the edited account of the proceedings of the Cortes held in Madrid in 1329, our purpose is to lay to rest the debate provoked by this assembly. Furthermore, we intend to present additional information relating to the salient legislative work undertaken by this Castilian monarch.

The ritual of dubbing to knighthood assumed since an early stage a capital importance, given that it was the necessary step to become a knight. This article will focus on this ceremony, dividing its analysis in two main parts. First, it will try to understand the different meanings of the ritual on the selected period. On the second part, the aim is to focus on the ritual itself, trying to describe how it was processed and analyzing the simbology of each step. As sources, this study uses chronicles, genealogical literature, legislative compilations, chivalric treatises and diplomatic documents. Throughout the text, there will be a comparative view with the rest of the Iberian kingdoms and also with other European regions. ; Un caballero no nacía caballero: se hacía en uno. Por esa misma razón, la investidura o adubamento tomó desde muy pronto una importancia crucial. Este artigo pretende analizar esta ceremonia en dos puntos de vista. Empezaremos por tratar de entender los signifi cados que la misma ha asumido al largo del tiempo defi nido. En la segunda parte, se analiza el ritual, intentando describirlo y buscando comprender la simbología que le estaba asociada. Para lograr estos objetivos se mezclan diferentes tipologías de fuentes: crónicas, livros de linhagens, obras de naturaleza legislativa y tratadística, recorriendo aún así a documentación de carácter diplomático. Al largo del texto, se buscará mantener una perspectiva comparativa con otras realidades peninsulares, no olvidando también lo que se pasaba en los territorios más allá de los Pirineos. [pt] Um cavaleiro não nascia cavaleiro: fazia-se. Por essa razão, a investidura ou adubamento tornou-se um evento de capital importância. Este artigo pretende analisar tal cerimónia sob dois prismas. Começar-se-á por tentar perceber os signifi cados que ela foi assumindo ao longo do período cronológico defi nido. Na segunda parte, analisa-se o ritual propriamente dito, tentando descrevê-lo e procurando compreender a simbologia que lhe estava associada. Para cumprir estes propósitos cruzam-se diferentes tipologias de fontes: crónicas, livros de linhagens, obras de cariz legislativo e tratadístico, recorrendo-se ainda a documentação de carácter diplomático. Ao longo do texto procurar-se-á manter uma perspetiva comparativa com outras realidades peninsulares, não perdendo também de vista o que entretanto se passava nos territórios além-Pirenéus.

María José GARCÍA FOLGADO: Spanish Grammar and Its Teaching Between Two Centuries: Diego Narciso Herranz y Quirós. In the second half of the 18th century, Spanish grammar experimented an important change as it was included as part of the curriculum for the different centers and educational institutions that were developed in Spain in that period. In this sense, the transformation of the former Hermandad de San Casiano, an organism that since the 17th century, had been dedicated to the control of primary teachers, into the Colegio Académico del Noble Arte de Primeras Letras (1780), is extremely important. Indeed, the latter received the complete support of the government of Carlos III, and would also go on to establish contact with other institutions that were also created in the Bourban era, such as the Real Academia Española.

The author reflects on the bicentennial of Central American independence. The article seeks to understand the current situation of the isthmus, based on a confrontation with the past (juncture of independence) and some structural or longue durée trends that have crossed through the centuries. In summary, the two centuries that have passed since independence was achieved have left a balance in Central America in which the states have not been able to consolidate themselves, the political regimes have not been able to become democratized and the nations have not finished reinventing themselves. ; El autor reflexiona sobre el bicentenario de las independencias centroamericanas. Se busca comprender la situación actual del istmo, a partir de una confrontación con el pasado (coyuntura de la independencia) y algunas tendencias estructurales o de larga duración que han atravesado los siglos. En síntesis, los dos siglos transcurridos desde la independencia han dejado en Centroamérica un balance según el cual los Estados no han logrado consolidarse, los regímenes políticos no han podido democratizarse y las naciones no han terminado de inventarse.

Nuestro propósito en este artículo es establecer una correlación entre el presente político de Venezuela y sus antecedentes históricos. En efecto, existen numerosas instituciones, prácticas, ideas, héroes e imaginarios colectivos que han viajado a través de la historia, desde la independencia del país hasta contextos actuales. En este sentido, importantes componentes del régimen de Hugo Chávez Frías representan una prolongación (incluso, una intensificación) de procesos políticos producidos durante los últimos dos siglos. A fin de exponer nuestros argumentos, estructuramos el artículo en tres partes principales: siglo XIX, siglo XX y siglo XXI. ; Our purpose in this article is to establish a correlation between Venezuela's political present and its historical background. There are, in fact, numerous institutions, practices, ideas, heroes and collective imaginaries that have travelled along history since the independence of the country until contemporary contexts. In this sense, important components of Hugo Chávez Frías'regime represent a prolongation (even, an intensification) of many political processes which have born during last two centuries. In order to expose our arguments we structure the article in three main parts: the XIXth, the XXth and the XXIst centuries.

During the long process that represented for Spain the attainment of the universal patronage -more than two centuries- the years between 1738 and 1746 appear as an interesting moment in that negotiation. During this time the government of Felipe V, and with the special intervention of the cardinal Molina, presented their demands to the pontiffs Clement XII and Benedicto XIV, which constituted the foreword of the Concordat in 1753. ; En el largo proceso que representó para España la consecución del patronato universal -más de dos siglos- los años comprendidos entre 1738 y 1746 aparecen como un interesante momento negociador. Durante este tiempo el equipo de gobierno de Felipe V, y con la especial intervención del cardenal Molina, presentaron sus demandas a los pontífices Clemente XII y Benedicto XIV, que constituyeron el prólogo del Concordato de 1753.

En el largo proceso que representó para España la consecución del patronato universal -más de dos siglos- los años comprendidos entre 1738 y 1746 aparecen como un interesante momento negociador. Durante este tiempo el equipo de gobierno de Felipe V, y con la especial intervención del cardenal Molina, presentaron sus demandas a los pontífices Clemente XII y Benedicto XIV, que constituyeron el prólogo del Concordato de 1753. ; During the long process that represented for Spain the attainment of the universal patronage -more than two centuries- the years between 1738 and 1746 appear as an interesting moment in that negotiation. During this time the government of Felipe V, and with the special intervention of the cardinal Molina, presented their demands to the pontiffs Clement XII and Benedicto XIV, which constituted the foreword of the Concordat in 1753.

Abordamos la evolución de la legislación histórica relativa al matrimonio y a los bienes gananciales de la sociedad conyugal. Para ello, las fuentes histórico-jurídicas que se han empleado en este estudio son las leyes que los diferentes reyes de la Monarquía Hispánica promulgaron entre los siglos XVI-XIX. Concretamente, se ha procedido al análisis de la Novísima Recopilación de 1805. Se trata de una rica base documental que nos permite mostrar una visión de los esponsales en varias vertientes: por un lado, se profundiza en los requisitos que los novios debían cumplir para contraer matrimonio, así como en las prohibiciones y en la clandestinidad; por otro lado, se ofrece una aproximación a la administración y al reparto de los bienes conyugales, tanto los dotales como los gananciales. ; It is studied the evolution of historical legislation, relating to marriage and community property in the conjugal society. For this question, it has been used the historicallegal sources as well as the laws that were promulgated between the 16th-19th centuries, by different kings of the Hispanic Monarchy. Specifically, it has been proceeded to the analysis of the Newest Compilation of 1805. It is a complete documentary base that allows us to analysed the betrothal in two aspects: on the one hand, it delves into the requirements that the bride and groom needed to marriage, as well as in prohibitions on clandestine marriage; on the other hand, it offers an approach to the administration and distribution of marital property, both endowment and community property. ; peerReviewed

Estudio de la pervivencia de temas mitológicos e históricos grecolatinos, sobre todo aquellos que fueron objeto de cultivo dramático en los teatros de Grecia y de Roma, en el teatro español de los siglos XIX y XX. El trabajo se articula en los siguientes apartados: l. Siglo XIX. l . La escasa pervivencia de los clásicos en el teatro del Romanticismo. 2. Período de liquidación de la estética romántica. II. Siglo XX: l . Hasta la dictadura ( 1900-1936). III. Siglo XX: 2. La interminable dictadura (1936-1975). IV. Siglo XX: 3. El nuevo teatro en los últimos años de la dictadura (1960-1975). V. Siglo XX. 5. Peregrinaje hacia y por una democracia (1976-2000). ; The aim of this paper is to examine the survival, forms and functions of the themes of the Classical Tradition in the Spanish theatre of the last two centuries.

La Babilonia de Hammurabi, en el siglo xviii a.C., se convirtió en capital territorial y religiosa de Mesopotamia a la par que su dios tutelar, Marduk, fue encumbrado como jefe del panteón babilonio. Casi trece siglos después, Nabónido, un usurpador del trono de Babilonia, quiso entregar la supremacía que hasta entonces ostentaba Marduk al dios lunar Sin, una decisión que le valió la enemistad con el clero de Marduk y, en definitiva, le costó el exilio, el trono de Babilonia e, incluso, la vida ; The Babylon of Hammurabi in the 17th century BC became a territorial and a religious capital of Mesopotamia, as to its tutelary god, Marduk, who became the commander of the Babylonian pantheon. Almost thirteen centuries after, Nabonidus, an usurper of the Babyloninan throne, wanted to give the godly supremacy that held Marduk to the lunar god Sin. This decision caused him a confrontation with Marduk's priests, and eventually, his exile, the Babylonian throne and, even, his own life

The Babylon of Hammurabi in the 17th century BC became a territorial and a religious capital of Mesopotamia, as to its tutelary god, Marduk, who became the commander of the Babylonian pantheon. Almost thirteen centuries after, Nabonidus, an usurper of the Babyloninan throne, wanted to give the godly supremacy that held Marduk to the lunar god Sin. This decision caused him a confrontation with Marduk's priests, and eventually, his exile, the Babylonian throne and, even, his own life. ; La Babilonia de Hammurabi, en el siglo xviii a.C., se convirtió en capital territorial y religiosa de Mesopotamia a la par que su dios tutelar, Marduk, fue encumbrado como jefe del panteón babilonio. Casi trece siglos después, Nabónido, un usurpador del trono de Babilonia, quiso entregar la supremacía que hasta entonces ostentaba Marduk al dios lunar Sin, una decisión que le valió la enemistad con el clero de Marduk y, en definitiva, le costó el exilio, el trono de Babilonia e, incluso, la vida.

The maps report the differential spacing that together constitutes a geographical knowledge of the Nation, or, in the colonial context, on portions of land that a Nation claims to be its own. They translate together with the phenomena of domination and resistance; sometimes they can also guide them. British Hondúras's geographical policy starts for Europeans with the precarious installation of British subjects on the southern coasts of the Yucatan peninsula in the 17th century. By analysing two significant situations of territorial redefinition (1780s, 1880s), we will see how the British Hondúras authorities (Settlement and then Cologne) establish their legitimacy by mobilising, through their mastery of maps, imperial knowledge first, military knowledge at a later stage. These two views, on phenomena far from one century, will ultimately allow us to reflect on the imperial or colonial dimension of the territories, the highly political role of the representations of space and their oppressive or emancipating potential. ; International audience ; The maps report the differential spacing that together constitutes a geographical knowledge of the Nation, or, in the colonial context, on portions of land that a Nation claims to be its own. They translate together with the phenomena of domination and resistance; sometimes they can also guide them. British Hondúras's geographical policy starts for Europeans with the precarious installation of British subjects on the southern coasts of the Yucatan peninsula in the 17th century. By analysing two significant situations of territorial redefinition (1780s, 1880s), we will see how the British Hondúras authorities (Settlement and then Cologne) establish their legitimacy by mobilising, through their mastery of maps, imperial knowledge first, military knowledge at a later stage. These two views, on phenomena far from one century, will ultimately allow us to reflect on the imperial or colonial dimension of the territories, the highly political role of the representations of space ...

Venezuela solamente contó durante el período colonial con un instituto de educación superior: la Universidad de Caracas, establecida en 1721. Ochenta y nueve años después, en 1810 la Junta Superior Gubernativa de Mérida creó la Real Universidad de San Buenaventura de Mérida de los Caballeros, por lo que puede considerarse la primera universidad republicana venezolana y de hispanoamérica. Conformada la república en 1830, después de la separación de Venezuela de Colombia, se dio inicio a un proceso de solicitudes para el establecimiento de otras universidades en el país; sin embargo, no sería sino hasta 1891 y 1892 cuando se establecerían la Universidad del Zulia y la Universidad de Carabobo, respectivamente. Las dos primeras instituciones tuvieron su origen en los Colegios Seminarios de Caracas y Mérida; mientras que las dos últimas surgieron a partir de los Colegios Nacionales que funcionaban en Maracaibo y Valencia, sin que existiera una continuidad histórica entre esos institutos, eclesiásticos o seglares, y las referidas universidades. Además de exponerse el proceso de fundación de las mismas, este artículo tiene el propósito de contrastar lo ocurrido con la Universidad de Mérida. ; Venezuela only had one higher education institution during colonial times: University of Caracas, established in 1721. Eightynine years later, in 1810, the Governmental Superior Junta of Mérida created the University San Buenaventura of Mérida de los Caballeros, reason why it can be considered the first Venezuelan republican university and from Hispanic America. Once the republic was formed in 1830, after the separation of Venezuela from Colombia, a process for the request of opening other universities in the country was started. However, it would not be until 1891 and 1892 when the University of Zulia and the University of Carabobo were established on those dates respectively. The first two institutions had their origins at the Seminar Schools of Caracas and Mérida; while the other two emerged from the National School working in Maracaibo and Valencia, without a continuous history between these institutes, ecclesiastical or secular, and the aforementioned universities. Apart from exposing their foundation process, this article aims to contrast what happened with the University of Mérida. ; A Venezuela contou durante o período colonial apenas com um instituto de educação superior: a Universidade de Caracas, estabelecida em 1721. Oitenta e nove anos depois, em 1810 a Junta Superior Gobernativa de Mérida criou a Real Universidad de San Buenaventura de Mérida de los Caballeros, pelo qual pode se considerar a primeira universidade republicana venezuelana e da Hispano - América. Conformada a república em 1830, após a separação da Venezuela da Colômbia, começou-se um processo de solicitação para o estabelecimento de outras universidades no país; não obstante, foi em 1891 e 1892 quando foram estabelecidas a Universidad del Zulia e a Universidad de Carabobo, respectivamente. As duas primeiras instituições tiveram seu origem nos Colégios Seminários de Caracas e Mérida; entanto as duas últimas emergiram dos Colégios Nacionais que funcionavam em Maracaibo e Valencia, sem uma continuidade histórica entre esses institutos, eclesiásticos ou seculares, e as referidas universidades. Além de expor-se o processo de fundação delas, este artículo tem o objetivo de contrastar o acontecido com a Universidad de Mérida. ; 385-398 ; ali_lopez_ve@yahoo.com ; trimestral

1. We are looking for a characterization of the processes of reconciliation lived in contemporary Europe in order to try to establish whether there is a historical pattern in those lived in the continent in the last two centuries, especially in the last one. 2. In order to do so, we resort to identifying the main causes of the violent confrontations experienced in Europe at this time. We follow a historical method: chronological order of events and establishment of causal relationships that allow the construction of a narrative about the dynamics of confrontation and reconciliation. 3. Inevitably we must be reductive in the selection of facts. The period of the two world wars serves as a dividing line between a time of confrontation and a time of reconciliation lived after the Second World War. We have chosen five processes since 1945 because they seem to us to be particularly significant. We also present some opposing examples of the emergence or survival of clashes. 4. The first two are international: the reconciliations between France and Germany, and between Germany and Poland. The next two were lived within the same state: Spain with its transition to democracy and the United Kingdom to overcome the conflict in Northern Ireland.