Two cases are described of a most unusual variant of two-chambered right ventricle. In both the ventricular septal defect was between the distal chamber of the right ventricle and the left ventricle. However the extensive dividing 'septum' between proximal and distal parts of the right ventricle converted the latter, haemodynamically, into part of the left ventricle. In the first case the distal chamber supported the aorta in the left anterior position, the pulmonary artery arising from the proximal part of the right ventricle. In the second the pulmonary artery arose from the distal chamber and the aorta from the proximal chamber. Though in both the ventriculoarterial connection was double outlet right ventricle, functionally there was arterial concordance in case 1 and discordance in case 2. A further disconcerting feature was the resemblance of the distal right ventricular chamber to the rudimentary chamber of a univentricular heart of left ventricular type.
This Article suggests that the Court's current confusion derives in part from its failure to distinguish between two categories of discriminatory intent, which may be termed goal discrimination and means discrimination. Goal discrimination involves the invidious consideration of race in the selection of the objective which a government policy seeks to achieve. Means discrimination occurs when there is an invidious consideration of race in selecting or weighing the method to be used in achieving that objective. Both forms of discrimination fall within the equal protection clause's prohibition against discriminatory government action, but they involve different circumstances and thus must be proved in somewhat different ways. Recognition of the distinction between the two categories leads to a more objective method of analyzing evidence of intentional discrimination and contributes to a greater understanding of the meaning of the equal protection clause.
For several years a noticeable weakness in business games has been the absence of strong organizational and leadership functions. Organization often tends to be that of a democratic committee management, while leadership, if present, tends to that of an emerging informal leader1 (p. 183). Neither is very realistic measured by corporate activities.
Traditionally, the demand for public expenditures has been estimated using as explanatory variables the average values of per capita income, as well as other variables. The results of this approach are disappointing which is due to the lacking theoretical basis. The public choice model, on the other hand, uses the political decision-making process (median voter model) to explain expenditures. Taking the same set of data, it is shown that the public choice approach yields superior results. It also offers a solution to the unfruitful discussion about the influence of political determinants of public expenditures.
The document contains several papers on the topic of suicide and Native Americans, presented at two workshops: one in Aberdeen, SD on September 1967, and the other in Lewistown, MT on November 1967. The workshops were sponsored by NIMH and Indian Health Service in response to an increase in suicides among Native Americans. Includes presentations on preventing suicides in rural areas and suicidal behavior among the Oglala Sioux and on the Cheyenne Reservation. Spanning roughly sixty-five years, this collection offers insights into many facets of Public Health Nursing on Native American Reservations. One will find many personal reminiscences, interesting essays and stories, newspaper articles, and innumerable U.S.Government documents, statistics, and memoranda pertaining to Reservation life.
A history which records the weaknesses and failures of society may serve as its conscience. The history of Twenty-fifth Street in Ogden, Utah is that kind of history. It reminds us that it is possible for evil influences to prey upon society to the extent that it weakens and becomes vulnerable to the influence. First the people became passive. They began to feel that the influence was there and there was little they could do about it. They then began ignoring it as if by doing so it would cease to exist. But it didn't disappear. Instead it grew and became so strong that eventually they were bound by its power. This is the story of Ogden's notorious "Two-Bit" Street. Serving as the gateway into Ogden City for those who stepped off the train, it began to cater to the appetites and desires of the people who traveled through Utah. It all began in 1869 when the railroads were joined at Promontory. Gestations of prostitution, gambling, and narcotics (opium) were the direct results of the absorption of Corinne and many other railroad towns along the way by Ogden. Realizing this, the people of Ogden struggled at first to prevent the ominous spectre haunting the city; but they soon became passive, and it wasn't long until the officials of the city were faced with the choice of either cleaning up the street or allowing it to remain. These authorities learned that by befriending those underworld leaders they could enjoy political strength enough to maintain themselves in power. Finally, after eighty years of underworld prosperity, heroes who were courageous enough to challenge this power structure began to take steps to eradicate this influence. Uncertain of how it would work out and fearful of being politically and professionally destroyed, they nevertheless fervently attacked. Some were put down immediately; some made attacks, retreating when the pressure became great, later to return and renew the battle again. At first these were not the top leaders of the community, they were the men and women of the sheriff's and police departments. Finally, in the early 1950's these two departments began to harmonize their efforts; and with a change in leadership in city government, the crushing blow was made to Ogden's notorious "Two-Bit" Street. What remains of the Street today is a partial skeleton of the past.
We Africans are a people who like to wrestle and it is time for politician, artist and critic to tie their wrappers firmly and prepare for the bout. The organizers of the festival succeeded in bringing together these three traditional enemies, all whetting their palms in eager anticipation of the match. But it never took place. Instead, official delegation after official delegation spent their time trying to convince fellow Africans that their particular country has a culture or that many centuries ago a national literature was in fact started. The time devoted to government policy statements on culture made the festival sound like a meeting of the O.A.U., this time with a very restless audience of artists.
Catherine May discusses two significant events: an authorization of a third power plant for Grand Coulee Dam, and the first successful operation of the Hanford Nuclear Steam Plant.
Catherine May laments the overbearing strength of the Democratic party which she claims harms the democratic system. She goes on to point out flaws in the press coverage of Republican positions.
Although Kristol's book is vastly better than Devine's--both in style and in content--the two books suffer from a common short-coming. Kristol sees a central institution of modern capitalism--the corporation-under aggressive attack, and seeks to defend it. One may disagree with his appraisal of the risks, and resent his tendency to tar all critics with the inanities of the most extreme, but he has a strong case to make-that the rise of modern American capitalism has been a magnificent success story. This success has required an uneasy cooperation between free-market institutions and collective restraints and modifications of market outcomes. By seeing evil in critics of some of the workings of the American economy and over-simplifying complex problems, Kristol fails to contribute to under-standing the nature of this partnership. Devine all but denies that there is such a partnership. But such a partnership indubitably exists, even if one yearns for a simpler world in which it would not be necessary. Those who would deny any constructive role for collective action and those at the other end of the political spectrum who deny the accomplishments and strengths of the market economy both retard the needed discussion on whether the balance between these two elements of the partnership is correct and how it should be changed in specific instances. Unfortunately, both Kristol and Devine obstruct such a discussion and instead tend to polarize complex questions from one particular point of view.
Differences in attitude among adult English-speakers towards "English" are so radical as to suggest that they represent other differences, more far-reaching and deeper-seated than we customarily assume. Some prostrate themselves before the crudest command to be correct in language; others revere and practise subtle plays of meaning in literature or speech. Such a difference in values surely has a moral dimension. Willinsky has explored the roots of these differences in a study of the different streams in a Canadian high school (reported elsewhere), and discusses here its implications. Not only different practices but also sharply different attitudes were reflected in the declarations of both teachers and students at the "academic" and the "general" level English classes. He points out that the real consequence of the way this streaming is currently being interpreted by many Canadian teachers of English is that one group of students probably acquires a moral authority that has been denied to the other. He becomes specific about the means by which teachers must rid their program of popular misconceptions about language, if it is not to continue to divide the population not only on the topic of literature, but also in social, political, and moral terms. RÉSUMÉ Les différences d'attitude qu'on note chez les anglophones à l'égard de "l'anglais" sont si radicales qu'on pourrait supposer qu'elles reflètent d'autres différences plus profondes qu'on ne l'estime généralement. Certains se prosternent devant les régles les plus grossières afin de s'exprimer correctement; d'autres par contre favorisent et pratiquent des jeux de mots subtils en littérature ou dans la conversation. De telles différences au niveau des valeurs reflètent Sûrement une dimension morale. Willinsky a exploré les origines de ces différences dans une étude sur les différentes tendances observées dans une école secondaire canadienne (dont il est fait état ailleurs), et expose ici ces répercussions. Non seulement différentes pratiques, mais également des attitudes fondamentalement divergentes sont apparues dans les déclarations des instituteurs et des etudiants aux cours d'anglais "littéraires" et "généraux". L'auteur souligne que le véritable conséquence du mode d'interprétation de ces courants par de nombreux professeurs d'anglais canadiens réside dans le fait qu'un groupe d'étudiants acquiert probablement une autorité morale qui a été refusée à l'autre. L'auteur propose des moyens spécifiques auxquels doivent recourir les enseignants pour débarrasser leur programme des conceptions populaires erronées au sujet du langage, pour que ce courant ne continue pas de diviser la population non seulement au chapitre de la littérature mais également dans les questions sociales, politiques et morales.
The Frank Borman Papers, 1961-1989, contain material that Borman accumulated while serving as an executive of Eastern Airlines. Materials include office files, correspondence, company reports, clippings, speech transcripts, audio recordings and a few artifacts. Correspondence addressing Eastern's financial crisis, labor relations, and support for Borman constitutes the bulk of the collection. Transcripts of speeches Borman delivered as a Special Representative for President Nixon, as an U.S. astronaut for NASA, and as CEO of Eastern Airlines are also included in the collection. ; Frank Borman, U.S. Astronaut who led the Apollo 8 lunar orbit mission and Chief Executive Officer of Eastern Airlines from 1975-1986, was born in Gary, Indiana, March 14, 1928. Raised in Tucson, Arizona, where he learned to fly at age 15, Borman attended U.S. Military Academy, West Point and earned a Bachelor of Science degree in 1950, thus beginning a 20-year career in the U.S. Air Force. He received a Masters of Science in Aeronautical Engineering from the California Institute of Technology in 1957. National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) recruited Borman into its astronaut program, for which Borman led the Gemini 7 (1965) and the Apollo 8 (1968) missions. In 1970, Borman retired from NASA with over 6,000 hours of in-space flight time, and the US Air Force at the rank of Colonel. As the Special Representative of President Richard Nixon, Borman visited twelve countries in Europe and the Far East in 1970 to search out information concerning missing American prisoners of war in Vietnam. Borman began serving as a special advisor to Eastern Airlines in 1969. In 1970, he was named Senior Vice President of Operational Affairs, eventually earning the title of Chief Executive Officer in 1975 and Chairman of the Board by 1976. Borman used Eastern's assets to invest heavily in modern jetliners. Increased debt, and the Deregulation Act of 1978--which opened the Airline Industry to pure competition-- brought many challenges to the development and financial stability of Eastern Airlines. Borman instituted innovative and risky financial tactics to ease the effects of the deregulation policies, including profit-sharing and labor wages that were dependent upon the company's success. Borman's tactics produced the company's four most profitable years, but they also resulted in dissent among Eastern's labor unions. By 1983, as a proposed solution to Eastern's debt burden, Borman asked employees to accept pay cuts in order to keep the company running. Eastern's mechanics, represented by the International Association of Machinists and Aerospace Workers (IAM), threatened to strike if Eastern's management followed through with this planned pay cut. Borman failed to reach an agreement with the labor unions and retired from Eastern Airlines in 1986, selling the company, 3.5 billion dollars in debt, to Texas Air executive and ""corporate raider"" Frank Lorenzo. Lorenzo's confrontational and controversial tactics eventually pushed Eastern into bankruptcy, following a 1989 strike by the Machinists, pilots, and flight attendants. Lorenzo was ultimately declared ""unfit to rule"" in the bankruptcy case overseen by Judge Burton Lifland, and after he sold off all routes, gates and aircraft, Eastern was liquidated in 1991. ; Personally identifiable information has been redacted from this item.
In academic circles, a common explanation for the success of the Iranian revolution has been the powerful effect of Shi'i religion and ritual on Iranians. Iranians are pictured as almost instinctively responding to the call of religious revohition. Supposedly, · they present themselves for martyrdom almost as a reflex. The 1978 'ashura rituals mourning the death of Imam Husain are thought to have been especially compelling in sweeping Iranians into revolutionary action for this reason; emotions evoked through participation in the traditional 'ashura rituals automatically drew Iranians into the process of revolution. Singleha'ndedly, Shi'i world view and ritual were Sl!pposedly instrumental in changing Iranians into a nation of revolutionary activists. I will argue that such is not the case, but that rather a transformation in the understariding of the central meaning of Shi'i Islam among the Iranian masses coinciding with changing economic and political conditions was instrumental in bringing about the success of the Iranian revolution.
In one section of his book, The Nature and Destiny of Man, Reinhold Niebuhr constructs a critique of the Lutheran Reformation, and particularly of Martin Luther's theology as the formative theoretical base of Lutheran Reformation theology. 'One of Niebuhr's specific charges was that the Lutheran Reformation was explicitly defeatist when confronting the problems of realizing justice in the collective life of man. Niebuhr lays a great deal of the blame for this "Lutheran defeatism" on Luther's formulation of the two kingdom doctrine and his application of it to legitimize the suppression by the government of the peasant revolt of 1525.
The concept o f the Two Cultures is based on the view that there is a lack of communication between scientists and literary men. Snow expresses the view that the intellectual life of the whole of western society is increasingly being split into two polar groups. Snow, although a novelist himself, seems to condemn the literary intellectuals in his advocacy of science as the most revolutionary force in the world today. He is convinced that, because science is essentially "progressive", and the political views of the scientists are more tenable and workable, the scientists would possess the means - and the desire -to end want and disease in every corner of the world.
