Suchergebnisse

The common approach to the negotiation process focuses on the external manifestation of the interaction between two parties who are trying to reach a satisfactory agreement. This view does not take into account the internal drivers of behavior of the involved parties. The externalized dynamic between the negotiators is only the secondary result of the interplay between the conscious and unconscious elements in the psyche of both parties. The condition of a long-lasting agreement is therefore a collaboration between the conscious and unconscious representation on the individual level. This article examines the transcendent function as a union between the conscious and the unconscious, specifically the ego and the self. It focuses on the tendencies of these two factors that can either hinder or make the transition of energy possible in view of reaching a successful manifested agreement. The study provides a straightforward reference that can be used by analysts and business professionals to help them understand what are the psychological aspects that affect the negotiation process, both on the individual and on the collective level.

When Nigeria got her independence in 1960 there were high hopes that she would become one of the greatest nations in the nearest future. Those who made this prediction were not wrong because Nigeria has what it takes to become great. In terms of population, it is not just the most populous but also one of the most talented in the continent. In natural resources, very few countries in Africa can boast of the resources the country parades. However, when these endowments are placed side by side with development in the country, the result becomes discouraging. Currently, one may assert that Nigeria is or at the point of becoming the poverty capital of the world looking at the rate her citizens are fleeing to other countries in search of greener pastures. Using the method of documentation and conceptual analysis, this study examines why Nigeria has not been able to translate its potentials into development indexes. The investigation centres around two research questions: 1) what is the relationship between the lack of development in Nigeria and electoral malpractice and 2) is Nigeria's inability to translate its potentials to development caused by executive abuse of powers. The paper discovered that moral decadence in the form of electoral malpractice and executive recklessness are the root causes of Nigeria's political and economic backwardness. It recommended the formation of an enlightened populace who will not only reject but also fight these two ills through civil resistance as the philosopher's stone that will save Nigeria

The circumstances and contexts that set Qatar on a road of prosperity are gaining momentum every new day. From a small British colony country as late as 1970, Qatar has undergone evolution beginning with settling on its current name after numerous suggestions for the Arab state. Thus, the study interest was to answer two research questions; what is the basis of the success stories of Qatar and lessons for other third world countries? And Is Qatar headed to another level of categorization to leverage into the status of first world countries? The study is mainly guided by structural functionalism theory. The study entailed a systematic literature review approach through which various current literature were analyzed. The progress is largely attributed to the effective strategies entailing financial investment, cultural branding, and policy re-engineering. The political stature and efficient constitution controlled by effective leadership are contributions to milestones observed in the country.

Dear colleagues, Welcome to the "Journal of Policy & Governance"! In my opinion, an editorial may reflect the general direction of the journal, values, strategy, priorities, goals and objectives, and so on. This is the first edition of the Journal of Policy & Governance where I act as the Editor-in-Chief. The title of the journal includes two key concepts, the "Policy" and the "Governance", and they are crucial for the target audience of the journal. That is, the field of "Policy Science": policy cycle, problem identification for analysis, policy environment, resources, stakeholders' analysis, communications (strategic, multilevel, etc.), policy tools and evaluation, etc. Also, these are values, objectives and methodology of the research and policy analysis, policy as the process and reasons for state intervention, evidence-based policy, quantitative and qualitative methods of data processing and the formation of evidence in the policy process and so on. The field of governance is also valuable for research: democratic, good, sensitive, multilevel, digital, and so on: Service State, public consultation, and interaction between government, business and civil society in the policy-making process. Common decisions, power and out of power policy makers, leadership, analysts and policy actors also require semantic and empirical content in the articles of the journal.

: Higher Education, no doubt, has been universally acclaimed as the bedrock for national development and effective Leadership as the drivers of academic excellence in the Institutions of higher learning in Nigeria. Qualitative teaching and learning remains the engine room that derives good governance and propels leadership positions. Leadership, however, cannot exist without Readership. The two are relatively interwoven. Leadership and readership has over the years become critical issues in organizational theory and practice. Thus, leadership and readership need to be taken up as a cause to be promoted in pursuit of academic excellence in the Institutions of higher learning in Nigeria. Reading is a great investment in one's personal development and, by extension, in achieving desired academic excellence. In this research, concrete effort is made to clarify the key concept of Leadership and Readership as drivers of academic excellence in the Institutions of higher learning in Nigeria, especially in the Polytechnic System. The research equally investigates both internal and external factors militating against academic excellence in Nigeria citadel of learning and finally makes recommendations, among which is training and retraining of employees, discouragements of unnecessary political interferences in appointments into academic leadership positions, Staff recruitments, admission of undergraduate students and effective monitoring policy of civil service rules.

This article deals with the determinants of Pakistan relations with Afghanistan with reference to past present and future. There are numerous writings on the topic under consideration mainly in terrorism perspective but this study deals with the socio-cultural, political, economic and diplomatic relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan. Unique relationship of two Muslim and neighboring countries as peace and security of both countries is inter-linked. Although Pakistan and Afghanistan are facing many challenges but both of them are doing their best to handle the issues of terrorism, Pakhtunstan and Durand line. Present study will fill this gap. Since independence Pakistan has endeavored to maintain good relations with Afghanistan in pursuance of its policy to have good relations with Muslim Countries. By focusing on the need to improve socio-economic and cultural ties of both countries is very important for the peaceful co- existence of both the countries which will ensure peace and prosperity in the region. Pakistan, has its plus points and can be useful for the development of the Afghanistan while Afghanistan has colossal untapped mineral and labour assets which can help Pakistan to build its economy. Also, Afghans might have the ability to get coordinate access to Pakistan's ports of Arabian Sea, while Pakistanis can get steer access to Central Asian markets.

This paper examines the impact of undecided voters in elections campaigns in Israel. The question asked here is if undecided voters can break the political dead-lock which became evident in four consecutive elections in just two years – between 2019 and 2021. The paper argues that the crucial role of undecided voters is the result of four main developments. The first is the multi-party parliamentary system, which allows the voters to swing between different parties and influence on handful of options to form coalition government. The parliamentary system emphasizes the excessive and crucial role of small parties to determine who will be in power – which means that they are in a position to impose their extreme ideology on the entire society. The second is that participation in elections is constantly declining, increasing the impact of motivated voters who follow the campaigns closely before making their final decision. The fact that this audience is persuaded by specific events and not by ideology or social identity allows to maximize the impact of their vote. The third is related to technological and cultural changes. Digital and social media have become popular among Israeli young people and first time voters, allowing them to promote new social and political behavior and bypass the censorship of traditional media and the traditional ideology of non-first time voters and the old political establishment.

Nigeria and Nigerians have witnessed different kinds of electoral frauds since the return to democracy in 1999. Counting from the 1999 general election in Nigeria, the 2019 general election is the 6th general elections conducted in the country. Unfortunately, none of these elections have been considered to be free and fair as there are always public outcries from one end to another against the results of the elections as a result of lack of transparency in the process. Drawing from this background, this study, examines whether heavy use of WhatsApp platforms by different political parties in the election encouraged popular participation and effective monitoring of the electoral processes. The study which examined a total of 318 respondents sampled from select WhatsApp groups of the two leading political parties adopted the survey research method with the social media engagement and technological acceptance theories as its theoretical framework to ascertain whether the use of WhatsApp platforms by political parties encouraged popular participation among the electorate and determine if WhatsApp platforms were helpful to parties in monitoring the 2019 general election as well as its processes. Findings revealed that WhatsApp use encouraged popular participation and electoral process monitoring. The researchers recommended that the political parties and the electoral umpire should engage more in the use of social media platforms in passing information during, on and after election to encourage transparency in leadership

The activeness of any nation citizenry determines how effective and the types of government such a nation will have. In the case of Nigeria, Nigerian citizens have been engulfed by stark illiteracy and chronic ignorance. Citizens have failed in their responsibility of participating actively in the polity of their nation. Citizens have been blindfolded that they cannot even differentiate between good governance and bad governance, as they still blindly pledge their support to bad leadership and to the decayed political parties of Nigeria, e.g. APC and PDP. Citizens found mostly in this blindness are the South western citizens despite their level of education. This paper examined the inability of Nigerian citizens to read within the lines and understand the dangers inherent in the politics of these two political parties of APC and PDP, and the fact that both parties have no better ideology and plans to better the lives of Nigerians. The paper examines the difference between People's Democratic Party (PDP) and All progressive Congress (APC) ideology in terms of corruption in Nigeria. The paper finally examines the effect of non-democratic citizenry in Nigeria. This paper adopts the hybrids method, as interview methods of data collection are adopted while other data are gotten from the readymade works of scholars and from the common sense views of the writer. This paper finally proffers workable recommendations to the problems of bad leadership in Nigeria.

Post-Independence federal arrangement of the Nigerian state has suffered undue torture of tinkering, especially during the prolonged military rule. It's coming into power had resulted in the emergence of unitary federalism with the attendant fall-out of over-concentration of powers and resources at the centre, thereby rendering other component units of the federation, a mere appendage in inter-governmental relations. The current agitation for restructuring that is the re-ordering of relationships, distribution of power and resources within the components of the federation, by a wide-spectrum of ethnic nationalities across the geopolitical zones, is a reaction to the current arrangement of the Nigerian federation. This paper using Deils Wrights' models as a framework of analysis with data generated through secondary sources, examines federal-Local and State-Local relates which is receiving scant attention compared to federal-state relations in the current agitation. Findings revealed that Local Governments has been at the mercy of the other two levels of government in fiscal, political and administrative relations. This has rendered the institution mostly ineffective in their functional responsibilities. It is therefore concluded that any reform agenda that will improve the standard of governance in Nigeria, should pay particular attention to this inclusive authority model of inter-governmental relations. Therefore the need arises for constitutional reforms for devolution of power and financial resources to local government for an effective local governance system that ultimately translates to national development.

This article discusses election governance based on public participation with qualitative research methods, the approach used in case studies in West Nusa Tenggara (NTB) Province, the region is one of thirty-four province in Indonesia. Governance is an approach that is considered relevant, because election governance is its manifestation. The results show that the Regional of General Election Commission of NTB as the authority of election organizers succeeded in building a model of election governance based on public participation through three strategies, namely the movement to protect suffrage, family-based voter education, and voter education based on educational institutions. These three models are designed through three approaches, namely multi-stakeholder partnership, convergence, safety and public health of disaster areas. The methods of implementation include; short videos about elections, consistent use of mass media and continuous election classes. The impact of the public participation-based election governance model in NTB is that the number of public participation in 2019 Elections increased to 82 percent compared to 2014 Election of 77.32 percent where the model has not been implemented. The obstacles faced in building participatory-based election governance are two, namely; the issue of legitimacy provided by the Electoral Law and has not been made the education of voters as core business of General Commission Election, while voter education is an effective instrument in developing public participation. The solution is necessary to change article 3 and article 15 (Presiden Republik Indonesia, 2017) on the elections to include participation as the principle of organizing elections. In addition, voter education should be the core business from the national to the regions.

: Indonesia has potential in cooperation on the intermission of UN peacekeeping tasks, although the need for UN intermission does not occur frequently (incidentally), but it needs to be prepared in order to anticipate opportunities and challenges in the development of the situation in UN PKOs, as has happened to the Indonesian Armed Forces Engineer Company Taskforce/Garuda Contingent. XXXII-C, through a decision-making mechanism based on the UN Resolution in UN PKOs to carry out the intermission of peacekeeping tasks from Haiti to Central Africa (2014-2015). The Kizi Taskforce TNI/Konga XXXIIC/MINUSTAH or Konga XXXVII-A/MINUSCA, can complete their duties as UN peacekeepers on duty at the UN Mission in MINUSTAH - Haiti and carry out UN Peace Task Intermissions in MINUSCA, in order to prepare missions in the African Republic Center (CAR). On this "rare" opportunity, the UN intermission process can be carried out properly through effective diplomacy and negotiations, so that the TNI/Konga XXXII-C Kizi Taskforce can carry out tasks in two different missions at once. And on this occasion, the researcher tries to explore the data in the form of a research entitled "Implementation of the United Nations Peacekeeping Taskforce; Case Study of Intermission of Satga IEC/Konga XXXII-C from Haiti to Central Africa (2014-2015)", In this study, I tried to explain the mechanism and implementation of the UN peacekeeping mission, accompanied by various challenges and obstacles faced in the area of operation. as well as the steps and efforts taken to overcome them, so that the task of ending the mission of the IEC/Garuda contingent in Haiti and the reopening of the UN mission in the Central African Republic can take place safely and smoothly. The researcher explored this research, considering that this form of intermission assignment rarely occurs, not only in the IEC Taskforce/Garuda Contingent, but also in UN peacekeeping operations.

The connection between India Pakistan plummeted to its lowest levels in the late 1980s as the militancy was stepped up in Kashmir by Pakistan. This is not to agree that there have been patches of collaboration when peace efforts were made, particularly during the leadership of Rajiv Gandhi and Benazir Bhutto in observe to the Siachen, conflict. However, in general, the connection has been hostile and bitter. After the murder of Rajiv Gandhi and overthrow of Benazir, peace efforts were struggling to take off until I. K. Gujaral and Nawaz Sharif took charge. Hopes were raised on mutually sides of the border that the two prime ministers, being Punjabis, would welcome each other improved. Both took initiatives to resume the delayed talks and showed their decide to remove the barriers from Indo-Pakistani ties. In India, headship changed hands normally from the mid 1990s onwards. Pakistan was a bit stable under Nawaz Sharif who had shown the interest in humanizing relations with India. But with the coming one of the Bhartiya Janata Party to power In India, doubts were bound to be expressed in Pakistan. Though Atal Behari Vajpayee lasted only 11 days as Prime Minister, his next tenure in 1998 proved otherwise. This time, leading a alliance government, Vajpayee was solid in proving his critics, both in India and Pakistan, wrong by making honest efforts to improve the connection. Vajpayee tried to work out his family and external agendas in tandem. On the one hand in May 1998, he gave consent to check five nuclear devices in Pokhran and step up the missile programme, and on the other, he comprehensive his hand of familiarity to Pakistan. In return, Pakistan responded by explosion its first ever nuclear machine in the Chagai hills and carrying out a succession of missile tests. Amidst these developments Vajpayee also made a momentous bus trip to Lahore through the Wagah border and signed the Lahore statement there with Nawaz Sharif.

The goal of the election is not only to determine the outcomes but also to lend credence to the winners, even for those voters who did not bother voting for them. This underlines the necessity of holding free, fair, and hidden elections. Component of all this is that elections are controlled by open and accountable, neutral, and autonomous electoral-management bodies. Utilizing technology in voting procedures can make it quicker, more efficient, and less susceptible to security breaches. The technology can ensure the safety of every vote, better and faster and much more accurate counting and automatic tallying. The design of a sophisticated voting system is a complex task as it has to fulfill several essential criteria. The secrecy of an elector's poll is to be well-preserved. The voting system should not give any evidence that proves which candidate receives a particular voter's vote. The process uses minimum paper documents and is therefore environmentally friendly. Bio-metric or retina scans can be used to ensure security. The e-voting system is vulnerable to several serious attacks from external sources. There is indeed a likelihood that anybody who has immediate access to the e-voting system can access it suspiciously. Malevolent software can steal one candidate's votes and assign them to some other. An attacker may deny officials access to the e-voting arrangement or render an e-voting structure unavailable for the Election Day voting process. This is known as a service denial (DoS) attack. But this kind of threat is hard to detect. A large number of questionable and invalid votes are the big problem with traditional paper-ballot based voting system. This phenomenon will be eliminated if the e-voting system is used. In addition to the speed of counting and reduction of errors the e-voting system offers some more advantages such as accessibility, verifiability, and availability. When the e-voting system is integrated with the Internet, any eligible voter can vote from anywhere as there will be two or more ...