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This article formulates a theoretical framework that helps to explain the origins of prison riots. Our explanation builds on existing theories, taking the integrative theory outlined by Useem and Kimball (1989) as a starting point. It shows how a variety of causal factors interact to create an institutional environment in which routine incidents can develop into full-fledged riots. We illustrate our framework with an analysis of the Strangeways prison riot in Manchester, UK (1990).

Racist violence that occurred in Liverpool in 1919 is analyzed in this article, & it is argued that three main themes can be identified in media, policing, & political debates that followed. These are fears of sexual relations between different "races," competition for employment, & questions relating to citizenship occasioned by a scheme of assisted repatriation introduced to remove black migrant workers from the "mother country." The article argues that the issue of "racial" difference between the communities involved in the disorders should not be treated as a straightforward variable in its own right. Instead recognition of the articulation between racialized discourse & other factors, such as sexual relations, is central to a full understanding of the events. Adapted from the source document.

Although social scientists have sought to understand riots in terms of social structure, few causal explanations have withstood the tests of ongoing empirical examination. In America, presidential commissions sought to put the black urban riots of the mid‐sixties in a similar context. Despite the laudable attempts at deriving benign policy implications from such explanations, the commissions' explanations were no better than the social science of the time. Understanding the causal basis of riots has been elusive, but our understanding of riots as problems of crisis management has been far more reachable. A comparison of two Los Angeles riots, Watts 1965, and the Rodney King riots of 1992, shows that the intensity, spread and duration of the riots were a function of crisis paralysis. We might not know, in any scientific sense, what causes riots but we appear to know a great deal about the consequences of not appropriately preparing for or managing riots. These are the lessons of both Los Angeles riots.

Why are some parts of India -- such as the recently riot-stricken state of Gujarat -- plagued by communal violence while other parts are not? Ashutosh Varshney's new book finds an answer in civil society. 2 Maps; 1 Photograph. Adapted from the source document.

The findings of two presidential commissions have dominated the understanding of the Black urban riots of the 1960s & correspondingly the general understanding of the causes of political violence. The Kerner & Eisenhower commissions each explained the causes of the riots in terms of the social science orthodoxy of the time. The riots were seen as violent responses by a community that had experienced persistent & continual frustration as a result of economic deprivation wrought by white racism. The deprivation-frustration-aggression model of violence was superimposed as a causal explanation of the riots & social science, & the popular media extolled this as the definitive understanding of the riots. Yet over the past 30 years this model has not explained empirical findings & has fallen from grace, especially among political scientists. Our research shows that even within the context of the commission reports there was evidence of other, but less politically palatable, explanations. In addition, there was the overarching issue of the occurrence of violence in democracies. Riots, like terrorism, more commonly occur within democracies than in nondemocratic governmental systems. We suggest that viewed in this context, the Black urban riots are not a deviant occurrence but part of a common syndrome of violence in democracies. These riots, like others that preceded them, need to be viewed within the historical framework of the role of political violence in democracies & most specifically how democracies respond to political violence. Adapted from the source document.

The paper explores the discourses surrounding the 'riots' of 2001 as a reflection of contemporary understandings of raced/ethnic, gendered and generational identities, and changing discourses about race and ethnicity in Britain. The paper examines these themes in relation to current academic theorizations of culture, identity and difference. Finally, the paper explores the implementation of these understandings in current government policy papers and practices around 'community cohesion' and 'citizenship'. It argues that each of these arenas employs very static and bounded notions of 'community', 'culture' and 'identity' which deny the complex formations of lived identities and obscures ongoing relations of power and disadvantage. This has clear implications for the future of multicultural policy, citizenship education and social justice.

This article offers an alternative framework for understanding 'communal' conflict in India. Largely because recurring sectarian conflicts involve groups whose boundaries are demarcated by religion, most scholars have focused their attention on either specific religious doctrines or the policy of secularism to explain the phenomenon. In this article it is argued that significance of religion, secularism or anti-secularism has been overemphasized in the interpretation of communal conflict in India. The concept of 'racialization' is deployed to argue that in India communal identities have in fact been 'racialized' and recurring conflicts share striking structural and ideological similarities with racial conflicts in other parts of the world. A historical narrative of the political process of 'racialization' of identities in India is offered with the aim of re-thinking existing explanations of such conflicts.

This research considers the bureaucratic politics of recent riot crisis management and urban policy in Britain and the United States.1 The bureaucratic politics model is evaluated and a tentative framework for its development as a way of analysing governmental responses to urban riots is proposed.2 The links between crisis management in riots and wider urban policy are identified as being important in developing an understanding of the nature of post‐riot policy responses within the context of the broader political environment.

Recent monographs on Russian social development have raised a number of hypotheses regarding our general understanding of processes of political and social change. In his volume on the early history of Russian workers Reginald Zelnik, for instance, proposes that moderate labor unrest reinforced traditional repressive patterns, while extreme conflicts motivated innovative reform. In the work of Robert E. Johnson and of Victoria Bonnell we find the suggestion that workers in small-scale enterprises and artisan shops were often more radical and organized than those in larger industrial enterprises. The fragmented and antagonistic nature of Russian society, with multiple splits of both an intergroup and intragroup nature, has been noted in the work of both Roberta Manning and Allan Wildman. Diane Koenker, focusing her research on the period of the 1917 revolutions, has brought out the moderating and integrating effect of the urban setting on Russian workers. These are only a few of the many thought-provoking hypotheses that have been raised.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Table of Contents -- List of Tables -- List of Abbreviations and Acronyms -- Foreword: Hong Kong Political Activism Rediscovered -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction: Hong Kong-Rethinking Political Activism -- 1. A Critique of the Claims of Political Indifference -- The Traditional Argument of Political Apathy -- Surveys on Political Attitudes -- A Critique of Siu-kai Lau's Concept of Political Aloofness -- Conclusion -- 2. An Alternative Understanding of Political Participation -- A Critique of the Orthodox Definition -- Toward a Contextual Understanding of Political Participation -- An Informed Definition of Political Participation -- Conclusion -- 3. A Multiple-Case Interpretive Approach -- Historical Nature of the Study -- Collective Dimension of Public Action -- Contextual Understanding of Events -- Alternative Interpretation -- The Question of Generality -- A Multiple-Case Interpretive Approach -- Conclusion -- 4. Rebutting the Minimal Political Participation Claim -- A Chronology of Significant Political Events -- Statistics and Major Events of Political Participation -- A New Comparison of Political Participation -- Conclusion -- 5. Rediscovering Politics: Hong Kong between 1949 and 1959 -- The Campaign for Rent Control -- The Campaign to Change the Marriage Laws -- The Tramway Workers' Labor Dispute of 1952 -- The 1956 Riots -- The Campaign to Remove a Marriage Ban on Nurses at the Tung Wah Group of Hospitals -- An Overview -- 6. Rediscovering Politics: Hong Kong in the 1960s -- The 1964 Campaign against Telephone Rate Increases -- The 1966 Star Ferry Riots -- The First Campaign for Chinese as an Official Language -- An Overview -- 7. Rediscovering Politics: Hong Kong in the 1970s -- The Campaign for Equal Pay for Nurses -- Defend the Diaoyutai Islands Movement of 1970.

An introduction to a special journal issue (see related abstracts in SA 40:5) presenting a twenty-year retrospective on the Sept 1971 rebellion at the Attica (NY) Correctional Facility, from the perspectives of lawyers, academics, & former & current prisoners. The contributors were specifically asked to assess prisoner struggles since 1971 in Canada & GB, as well as in the US, & to address the plight of women & political prisoners. The analyses help to broaden understanding of important changes in penal repression & prisoner resistance. Contributors also explore various aspects of the "war on crime.". 20 References. S. Millett

Some thirty years ago, the Kerner Commission report explained the outbursts of urban violence in America's Black ghettos as caused by Black deprivation wrought by white racism. In its rendition of the Black experience through four hundred years of American racism and its description of the conditions in the urban ghettos of the 1960s, the report is worthy of the acclaim it has received. In its analysis of the causal factors that led to the riots, the report attempts to appeal to intuition but falls far short of making a case on the basis of any remote standard of causal analysis. Indeed, the report strikingly resembles the academic studies that have invoked relative and absolute deprivation theories to explain the American urban riots of the 1960s and which have repeatedly collapsed under the scrutiny of basic considerations of social science methodology.The causes of riots might as aptly fall into situational explanations, including the pattern of police response, as they fall into theoretical ones. While social scientists debate such issues, policy makers have had to respond to the realities of riots, both in terms of causes and effects.Surprisingly, many policy makers, irrespective of their own ideologies and notions of causes, when dealing with America's urban riots, appear to have come to the same general conclusions about the policies that need to be implemented to prevent future racial crises. Looking at these responses, as well as both the idiosyncratic and common attributes of riots, this paper suggests reconceptualizing and rethinking the nature of riots so as to move toward a better understanding of this type of racial crisis.

This book provides a new approach to the history of social conflict, popular politics and plebeian culture and has implications for understandings of class identity, popular culture, riot, custom and social relations. Above all, the book challenges the claim that early modern England was a hierarchical, 'pre-class' society