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In 2011, the killing of a Black man by a police officer triggered violent riots across England. In a context where ethnic minorities are rarely openly blamed, we examined the lens through which the events were interpreted in the official discourses of the British Prime Minister. A thematic content analysis (Study 1) revealed that, without explicitly blaming ethnic minorities, the discourses built on antagonistic normative references opposing a virtuous majority to threatening minorities. Then, based on online survey data of self‐declared Londoners (N = 223) during the riots, we analyzed (Study 2) how agreement with the discourses related to individuals' ethnocentrism and their understanding of the causes underlying the events. Results of regression analyses showed how agreement with the discourses related to blaming ethnic diversity for the riots and to higher ethnocentrism, especially among individuals least likely to discriminate against minorities (i.e., low in social dominance orientation). Agreement with the discourses was also linked to reduced blame of authorities. To conclude, we discuss the mobilization potential of political discourses on ingroup virtue and outgroup threat.

Cover -- Contents -- Figures and Boxes -- Acknowledgements -- CHAPTER 1 Introduction -- Why study street culture? -- Making sense of street culture -- Defining street culture -- Street cultural concerns -- Street cool -- From criminal lifestyles to urban cool -- CHAPTER 2 Understanding Urban Poverty, Culture and Crime -- Introduction -- Studying street culture: Past -- Understanding street culture: Present -- Conclusion -- CHAPTER 3 Demography and Development: Class, Gender and Ethnicity -- Introduction -- Urban poverty and social class in transition -- Street life: A man's world? -- 'Ain't it Black?' Ethnicity and race -- Structure, individuality and the street cultural spectrum -- Conclusion -- CHAPTER 4 Space, Territory and Gangs -- Introduction -- Socio-spatial exclusion in the ghetto firma -- 'Representing': Alternative experiences of socio-spatial disadvantage -- Street cultural space in flux -- Reconsidering territorialism -- Against 'gang discourse' -- Conclusion -- CHAPTER 5 Street Life and Street Crime -- Introduction -- Space crimes -- Economically motivated street crime -- Violence, hierarchy and the regulation of the street world -- Riots as street cultural eruptions -- Conclusion -- CHAPTER 6 From Street Expressivity to Commodifiable Cool -- Introduction -- A brief history of street cool -- The embodiment of 'Cool' -- Style and (bodily) pattern -- The movement(s) -- The art of survival -- The subcultural career and the commodification of authenticity -- Conclusion -- CHAPTER 7 Street Flows in the Global Ghetto -- Introduction -- Globalization and neoliberalism -- One world, different spaces -- Deviant globalization and illicit flows -- A world of street cultural difference -- A subcultural capital rush? Raw cool in the global ghetto -- Conclusion -- CHAPTER 8 Resistance, Ghetto Politics and the Social Control of the Slum.

Lately Indonesia is facing a lot of tremendous experience about religious violence. Indonesian Islam which is previously assumed as peaceful religion is suddenly changing to be frightening religion. The destruction in some places such as Bali Bombing, JW Marriot Bombing, and Sampang riot in some places Islam is the trigger of religious violence. This paper discusses the repetition of religious violence in Indonesia especially after New Order era. The writer argues that religious violence in Indonesia is as natural disaster, historical process in human evolution and as close experience that presenting and relating to human history. It may be caused by political condition and the response to economic injustice. In doing so, it is kind of social acceleration toward the process of change and also being a factor of the emergence of new agenda. This is because every disaster, including religious violence, requires an adjustment and a new formulation of the functions that have been damaged.

Based on a participatory research project which involved academics and young people at KCC Live, a community radio station in Merseyside, exploring the 1981 and 2011 riots in Liverpool, UK, this paper argues that co-produced research involving young people and radio provides an under-utilised avenue for research on historical and political geographies. Working together for a year in 2012–13, the academic and non-academic participants produced a radio documentary exploring how and why the 1981 riots in Liverpool occurred, and what we could learn from those historical events to help understand the more recent 2011 riots. Young people's capacities to engage with past events that took place before they were born, in order to reflect on and understand the political present, are seldom explored in research. The research that this paper is based on therefore provides an original and significant contribution to debates on conducting research with young people, in particular developing approaches to thinking through how young people engage with, and make sense of, politics and political activity, especially disruptive or insurgent activities like riots/urban uprisings. As a result, the paper makes an important contribution to work being done on the political capacities of young people; collective histories and memories in young people's understandings of politics, place, and space; and knowledges of urban uprisings. We argue that bringing children's/youth geographies into dialogue with political and historical geographies such as those discussed here is a useful avenue for future research.

This article develops a framework for understanding policy-making responses to the crisis of the post-industrial urban economy in Britain through an exploration of the policy event of the 1981 English riots and the policy-making field that surrounded it in which the rival positions of 'managed decline' and concerted urban regeneration became reconciled through a roll-out of neoliberal governance mechanisms. The value of this framework for contemporary analyses of urban policy in the context of social marginality and uneven economic development is discussed in the conclusion.

Protests have long been marginalized by media coverage which fails to capture the motivations, goals, and demands of the protestors. The media, instead, tends to focus on the actions and appearances of protestors which leads to the delegitimization and demonization of protest. This type of negative coverage has been termed the "protest paradigm". The protest paradigm has been found to be particularly prevalent in coverage of anti-Black racism protests. This is despite scholarship which argues that anti-Black racism protests tend to encounter more state repression by police than other types of protests. This indicates that there is a significant media bias against anti-Black racism protests in that repression is not being accurately covered. This work aims to investigate whether media coverage of the George Floyd protests from May-June 2020 are similarly delegitimized by the protest paradigm despite the greater institutionalization of the Black Lives Matter movement since its inception. This analysis also seeks to investigate how the actions and appearances of the police at protests factor into the portrayals of protestors and the protests themselves. These questions will be answered through a frame analysis of protest coverage from Fox News and CNN during the height of the protests following the murder of George Floyd. This analysis, then, seeks to move the protest paradigm literature forward by furthering understandings of how the protest paradigm is used by media outlets of different political orientations as well as how other protest roles are portrayed. The analysis finds that anti-Black racism protests are still heavily delegitimized by the media regardless of political orientation. It also finds that the police tend to be given greater legitimacy even when using force. The delegitimization of protestors/protest is achieved through extensive focus on the criminal and confrontational nature of protestors while police are framed as victims of these behaviors. Only slight differences in framing between the media outlets was observed. Ultimately, this research concludes that the protest paradigm is still used to systematically delegitimize protest movements which challenge the status quo. However, the analysis also finds that greater refinement of the protest paradigm is needed to capture nuances in media coverage as well as to include how the paradigm manifests differently textually versus visually. The research also argues the need for greater collaboration between the protest paradigm, police militarization, and protest policing literature to understand the potentially cyclical effects of disproportionate state repression and biased media coverage.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Table of Contents -- List of Tables -- List of Abbreviations and Acronyms -- Foreword: Hong Kong Political Activism Rediscovered -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction: Hong Kong-Rethinking Political Activism -- 1. A Critique of the Claims of Political Indifference -- The Traditional Argument of Political Apathy -- Surveys on Political Attitudes -- A Critique of Siu-kai Lau's Concept of Political Aloofness -- Conclusion -- 2. An Alternative Understanding of Political Participation -- A Critique of the Orthodox Definition -- Toward a Contextual Understanding of Political Participation -- An Informed Definition of Political Participation -- Conclusion -- 3. A Multiple-Case Interpretive Approach -- Historical Nature of the Study -- Collective Dimension of Public Action -- Contextual Understanding of Events -- Alternative Interpretation -- The Question of Generality -- A Multiple-Case Interpretive Approach -- Conclusion -- 4. Rebutting the Minimal Political Participation Claim -- A Chronology of Significant Political Events -- Statistics and Major Events of Political Participation -- A New Comparison of Political Participation -- Conclusion -- 5. Rediscovering Politics: Hong Kong between 1949 and 1959 -- The Campaign for Rent Control -- The Campaign to Change the Marriage Laws -- The Tramway Workers' Labor Dispute of 1952 -- The 1956 Riots -- The Campaign to Remove a Marriage Ban on Nurses at the Tung Wah Group of Hospitals -- An Overview -- 6. Rediscovering Politics: Hong Kong in the 1960s -- The 1964 Campaign against Telephone Rate Increases -- The 1966 Star Ferry Riots -- The First Campaign for Chinese as an Official Language -- An Overview -- 7. Rediscovering Politics: Hong Kong in the 1970s -- The Campaign for Equal Pay for Nurses -- Defend the Diaoyutai Islands Movement of 1970.

SummaryIn 2008 in Morogoro region, Tanzania, mass drug administration (MDA) to school-aged children to treat two neglected tropical diseases (NTDs) – urinary schistosomiasis and soil-transmitted helminths – was suspended by the Ministry of Health and Social Welfare after riots broke out in schools where drugs were being administered. This article discusses why this biomedical intervention was so vehemently rejected, including an eyewitness account. As the protest spread to the village where I was conducting fieldwork, villagers accused me of bringing medicine into the village with which to 'poison' the children and it was necessary for me to leave immediately under the protection of the Tanzanian police. The article examines the considerable differences between biomedical and local understandings of one of these diseases, urinary schistosomiasis. Such a disjuncture was fuelled further by the apparent rapidity of rolling out MDA and subsequent failures in communication between programme staff and local people. Rumours of child fatalities as well as children's fainting episodes and illnesses following treatment brought about considerable conjecture both locally and nationally that the drugs had been either faulty, counterfeit, hitherto untested on humans or part of a covert sterilization campaign. The compelling arguments by advocates of MDA for the treatment of NTDs rest on the assumption that people suffering from these diseases will be willing to swallow the medicine. However, as this article documents, this is not always the case. For treatment of NTDs to be successful it is not enough for programmes to focus on economic and biomedical aspects of treatment, rolling out 'one size fits all' programmes in resource-poor settings. It is imperative to develop a biosocial approach: to consider the local social, biological, historical, economic and political contexts in which these programmes are taking place and in which the intended recipients of treatment live their lives. If this is not done, the world's poor will continue to be neglected.

This article focuses attention on explaining and understanding state intervention into the lives of families deemed 'troublesome' with specific attention on the Troubled Families Programme. Launched in 2011, in part as a response to the London riots, the Troubled Families Programme represented an escalation and intensification of state intervention into the lives of families. Policy analyses have provided important perspectives on how we should explain and understand this government agenda as part of a process of neoliberal state crafting. This article offers a critical yet productive examination of these perspectives, arguing that their utility lies in how they can be employed, and therefore modified and adapted, in conjunction with studies of local practice which emphasise the messy realities of policy enactment and, with that, the possibility for contestation and challenge. Such an approach, based broadly on the tenets of critical realism, is founded on an alternative conception of state power, one that sees state power as having a more complex quality that is dependent on the agency of local actors.

Cover -- Half Title -- Dedication -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- List of Figures and Tables -- Acknowledgements -- 1 Crisis and Reform in the Public Sector -- 2 The Crisis-Reform Thesis: How Crises Can Lead to Reform -- 3 Two Prison Systems: Pre-Crisis Descriptions -- 4 The Dutch Prison Service: Cell Shortages and Escapes (1992-1993) -- 5 Riots and Reform in England (1990-1991) -- 6 The Escapes from Whitemoor and Parkhurst (1994-1995) -- 7 Recognizing Patterns of Reform -- 8 Alternative Paths to Reform -- Appendices -- 1 Chronology of the Dutch Prison Service

Theoretical perspectives that give primacy to ideological or structural determinism have dominated criminological analysis of the 2011 English 'riots'. This paper provides an alternative social psychological perspective through detailed empirical analysis of two of these riots. We utilize novel forms of data to build triangulated accounts of the nature of the events and explore the perspectives of participants. We assert these riots cannot be adequately understood merely in terms pre-existing social understandings and political realities and that identity-based interactional crowd dynamics were critically important. The paper demonstrates the value of the social identity approach in providing criminological theory with a richer and deeper perspective on these complex social phenomena.

Questions surrounding 'race' as a spatial divider have come to the forefront of the political agenda, compelling us to revisit the debate on residential segregation. Drawing on the spatial analysis of changing dynamics in the ethnic geography of Greater Glasgow and qualitative research on the residential preferences of 40 South Asian households, this book enhances our understanding of settlement in the city. Understanding Processes of Ethnic Concentration and Dispersal documents new residential patterns, including South Asian suburbanisation in traditionally 'white' areas. Processes underlying both the changes and signs of sustained ethnic concentration are shown to be dynamic and complex. They encompass elements of choice, constraint and negotiations between the two, while also revealing a remarkable array of differentials such as class, status, education, age and culture. - De rellen in Parijs en de zogenaamde 'race riots' in Engeland maken duidelijk hoe belangrijk het is de oorzaken van etnische segregatie te begrijpen om adequaat actie te ondernemen. De onderliggende processen die immigranten doen besluiten ergens te gaan wonen blijken complex en dynamisch. Status, sociale klasse, opleidingsniveau, leeftijd en cultuur zijn slechts een aantal factoren. Dit boek brengt deze processen in kaart met een diepgaand onderzoek naar de voorkeuren voor bepaalde woonplaatsen van Zuid-Aziatische immigranten in Glasgow.

"If any act of terrorism happens, the government labels us as Muslims, but when some of us are killed during riots, they call us Asians. This is how government plays with us. They still have same old policy for us; divide and rule" said Ali, a young British-Pakistani Muslim social activist, in his speech, on a public vigil in Birmingham after three young men of Asian-Muslims background were killed as riots spread across major big cities in England during August 2011. Birmingham witnessed the death of three Asian-Muslim men when the copycat of London riots started in the city. The three men were killed when a car overrun them during the night of riots while they were standing on the road in a neighbourhood of Birmingham where mixed communities live together. Mainstream and local British media presented the death as 'killing of young Asian men' by the looters and rioters who were portrayed on mainstream and social media as people belonging to Afro-Caribbean background. The killing of three men, community responses, timing of releasing their dead bodies by police and over all media representation of the events that occurred during and after the riots in Birmingham in August 2011 triggered an intense political debate, social activism and a politics of representation among and between various Muslims and non-Muslim South Asian groups and associations over the issue of race relations, identity, state cooption of events and community cohesiveness. This paper is going to explore how various social, political and religious groups of South Asian communities in Birmingham responded, interpreted and reinterpreted the riots killings by constructing and reconstructing their perceptions and understandings about the state, self and others, religion, community and race relations.

"This book is the essential guide for understanding how state power and politics are contested and exercised on social media. It brings together contributions by social media scholars who explore the connection of social media with revolutions, uprising, protests, power and counter-power, hacktivism, the state, policing and surveillance. It shows how collective action and state power are related and conflict as two dialectical sides of social media power, and how power and counter-power are distributed in this dialectic. Theoretically focused and empirically rigorous research considers the two-sided contradictory nature of power in relation to social media and politics. Chapters cover social media in the context of phenomena such as contemporary revolutions in Egypt and other countries, populism 2.0, anti-austerity protests, the fascist movement in Greece's crisis, Anonymous and police surveillance"--

"This book is the essential guide for understanding how state power and politics are contested and exercised on social media. It brings together contributions by social media scholars who explore the connection of social media with revolutions, uprising, protests, power and counter-power, hacktivism, the state, policing and surveillance. It shows how collective action and state power are related and conflict as two dialectical sides of social media power, and how power and counter-power are distributed in this dialectic. Theoretically focused and empirically rigorous research considers the two-sided contradictory nature of power in relation to social media and politics. Chapters cover social media in the context of phenomena such as contemporary revolutions in Egypt and other countries, populism 2.0, anti-austerity protests, the fascist movement in Greece's crisis, Anonymous and police surveillance"--