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This article explores the social dynamics in the city of Salford at the time of the Pendleton riot, which took place amidst the four days of national rioting that began with the killing of Mark Duggan in Tottenham by the Metropolitan Police Service. Attempting to counter what we see as a dominant narrative of the riots as 'shopping with violence', this article explores the development of the significant disorder in Salford through a triangulation of accounts, including an extensive review of journalistic accounts, alongside interviews from a dozen people who witnessed the riots as police officers, residents and spectators. Beginning with an overview of the events of August 9th 2011, we argue that the deployment of officers in riots gear in the vicinity of Salford Precinct proved provocative, and created a focal point for the widespread antagonism felt towards the police. Furthermore, we suggest that an understanding of local contextual factors is critical both in terms of answering the question 'why Salford?', but also in terms of explaining the ferocity of the violence targeted towards officers of Greater Manchester Police (in contrast to the focus on looting in nearby Manchester city-centre). Interpreting the riots as a response to punitive policing policies that have accompanied state-directed policies of large-scale gentrification, we highlight the degree to which the 'contestations over space' that characterised the riot pointed to an underlying politics of resistance (despite lacking 'formal' political articulation). Keywords : August 2011 English Riots, Salford, Gentrification, Policing, Class

Vor 20 Jahren erschütterten die Chaostage die Messestadt Hannover. In den bis dato schwersten Auseinandersetzungen der bundesdeutschen Nachtkriegsgeschichte, brachte eine subkulturelle Strömung aus Punks, Skinheads und anderen, die Ordnungsvorstellung der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft ins Wanken. Die Chaostage heute noch einmal als riot zu betrachten, öffnet den Blick auf ihre materielle und mediale Wirkung. Dabei wird deutlich, wie eine Unruhe Sinnzusammenbrüche der lebensweltlich erfahrbaren sozialen Ordnung verursacht. Diese Sinnentleerung motivierte infolge der Chaostage 1995 eine mediale Mobilmachung, um neuen Sinn zuzuschreiben und zu verstehen, was auf der Straße faktisch passiert war. Der riot wurde dabei mit seiner eigenen Spektakularität konfrontiert, er wurde fremddefiniert und somit den Beteiligten eine eigene Darlegung ihres Handelns verwehrt. Die Punks griffen diesen Punkt auf und hielten der medialen Hysterie ihr karnevaleskes Zerrbild entgegen. ; Twenty years ago, the so-called Chaos days shattered the city of Hannover. In the most intense civil commotions since World War II, a subcultural mélange of punks, skinheads and other factions damaged the public understanding of social order. To analyze the Chaos days in the context of an emerging riots discourse opens perspectives for material and media-related effects. Moreover it focuses on riots as disturbances and ruptures of social order perceived in the lifeworld. This is a breakdown of social sense. Because it is not immediately possible to make sense of a riot, the media began – in the case of the Chaos days – to fill the fissures, it had created. The media named, defined and pursued the genuinely modern goal of verstehen. Riots are often defined and filled with sense by society and its spectacle, not by the rioter themselves. Chaos days picked up this point in a karnevalesk way: They confronted the public with an own interpretation and a distorted picture of public hysteria.

The present article analyses Jeremy Deller's artwork, "The Battle of Orgreave" (2001), as an aggravation of the special aesthetic qualities of riot control technology at the intersection of emotion (fear, horror) and politics. The article describes a history of riot control technology that takes place against the background of a crisis. Concepts such as security and the defence of social order have been the subject of reinterpretation since the 1960s. Central to understanding the negotiation of these terms is the concept of "policing the crisis," which was developed at the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies, a research centre at the University of Birmingham, England, in the late 1970s. The article brings together findings from different disciplines and discusses the state institution of the police as the result of a liberal discourse. Part of this reinterpretation of the police shows that the agendas of riot control passed from the military to the police in the long nineteenth century. Riot control technology itself (e.g. tear gas) became a signifier of protests in the twentieth century. By starting with an artwork, the article asks specifically how riot control technology diffuses into the cultural sphere (music videos, art, etc.) and what influences there are on both the political and technological levels.

The historiography of the 1992 Los Angeles Riots have several trajectories within the history of Los Angeles that reshape the contours of the transnational turn in the humanities. The riots move the discursive framework towards a comparative scope that allows for an overlap of the structures of migration, inequality, and globalization. The state of emergency that framed the riots exposes the ideological state apparatus within multiple levels of hegemony. This dissertation synthesizes the event, the art objects, and the Kunstwollen that are intertwined to produce art historical research. A foundational understanding of the visual culture and the riots provide a clear subtext to the political and economic genealogy of art objects in this dissertation. The overarching argument in my dissertation is that art practice yields a particular kind of knowledge production. The rhetorical positions articulated by Korean American artists about the L.A. riots elucidates localized geopolitical struggles. Instead of a biographical survey of one artist, the analysis of multiple artists centered around one event propels art historical analysis towards a transdisciplinary approach that extends the hermeneutics of art practice towards cultural geography, critical media studies and epistemology. My work intervenes the rhetoric of the necessary third to fourth generation gap for the kind of assimilation and development of identity formation that should not be unilaterally assumed and applied to all immigrant histories. Rather than regurgitating a multicultural thesis, my framework uses the arguments made visual in the artwork that de-romanticizes the story of migration. Therefore my analysis of the artworks elucidates alternative approaches to Korean American history

In London, the localised riots which occurred post-Tottenham all had their genesis in the violent street gang. This increasingly visible and evolving presence in the excluded neighbourhoods of the capital operates its own forms of social control and authority in its own social field – a form of street government. The riots provided an opportunity for the sudden temporal expansion of this social field as gangs acted as the crucible for events. The 2011 riots in London revealed significant aspects of UK gang organisation and culture which are the starting point to understanding these disturbances.

This article aims to explain the widespread attention to contemporary protesting artists among Western audiences by focusing on the case of Pussy Riot. Social movement scholarship provides a first step into understanding how Pussy Riot legitimately protests Russian politics through its punk performances. It then turns to the concept of cosmopolitanism as a performance in everyday life to explain Pussy Riot's appeal among Western audiences. By collecting and analyzing 9001 tweets through a thematic hashtag analysis and topic modeling, this article analyzes how audiences talk about Pussy Riot and shows how Twitter affords users to perform cosmopolitan selves by sharing their ideas and experiences on Pussy Riot with others. Although we distinguish between four types of cosmopolitan selves, the results clearly show Pussy Riot is mainly reflected upon in a media context: Twitter users predominantly talk about Pussy Riot's media appearances rather than readily engage with its explicit political advocacy.

Purpose – The general consensus amongst policy makers regarding the causal explanations for the involvement of young people in the August Riots of 2011 seems to have centred on "mindless criminality" and "thuggery". These explanations have tended to be quite one dimensional where complexity has been avoided in favour of simplicity. Issues of structural inequality, poverty and social injustice appeared to be negated by political figures in favour of an emphasis on neo-liberal, individualistic explanations and solutions. Understanding that there have been very different interpretations of the riots, where some have come to very different opinions from the same data, the purpose of this paper is to revisit the causes and meanings of the rioting that took place over a five-day period in August 2011. Second by drawing on social democratic perspectives the paper stipulates several factors that if not dealt with may give rise to future rioting. Design/methodology/approach – The paper takes the form of a conceptual analysis. I draw on the work of a number of key academics and commentators to enrich the analysis. Findings – Within the paper it is argued that the policies that emanate from neo-liberal political ideologies have impacted disproportionately on working class children and young people. More specifically the paper finds that problems experienced are deemed to be the responsibility of the individual, side-lining the influence of ecological and socio-economic factors. Originality/value – In the light of the criticisms of neo-liberalistic approaches, social democratic perspectives are drawn upon in order to consider new ways of approaching the issues facing children and young people within contemporary society. Such perspectives are concerned with addressing structural inequality, poverty and social injustice.

In this paper, we put forward a new research agenda for ecological economics, based on three realisations. We then show how these can be connected through research and used to generate insights with the potential for application in broader, systemic change. The first realisation is that the core ambition of ecological economics, that of addressing the scale of human environmental resource use and associated impacts, often remains an aspirational goal, rather than being applied within research. In understanding intertwined environmental and social challenges, systemic approaches (including system dynamics) should be revitalised to address the full scope of what is possible or desirable. The second realisation is that the focus on biophysical and economic quantification and methods has been at the expense of a comprehensive social understanding of environmental impacts and barriers to change&mdash ; including the role of power, social class, geographical location, historical change, and achieving human well-being. For instance, by fetishising growth as the core problem, attention is diverted away from underlying social drivers&mdash ; monetary gains as profits, rent, or interest fuelled by capitalist competition and, ultimately, unequal power relations. The third realisation is that ecological economics situates itself with respect to mainstream (neoclassical) economics, but simultaneously adopts some of its mandate and blind spots, even in its more progressive camps. Pragmatic attempts to adopt mainstream concepts and tools often comfort, rather than challenge, the reproduction of the very power relations that stand in the way of sustainability transitions. We consider these three realisations as impediments for developing ecological economics as an emancipatory critical research paradigm and political project. We will not focus on or detail the failings of ecological economics, but state what we believe they are and reformulate them as research priorities. By describing and bringing these three elements together, we are able to outline an ambitious research agenda for ecological economics, one capable of catalysing real social change.

This article explores the political and cultural context of the riots provoked by changes in the Trisagion (512). Along with the advancing integration of the Byzantine Empire with Christianity, the state's interest in theological problems increased; these problems were also reflected in the liturgy. Worship was used as a tool of imperial policy. This mutual interaction between politics and liturgy can be observed particularly clearly in the history of the Trisagion. This hymn, in its primitive form appearing in the book of Isaiah (as the familiar Sanctus Sanctus Sanctus), had two interpretations from the first centuries. According to the first one, the hymn referred to God, or – with the development of theology – to the whole Holy Trinity. According to the second interpretation (probably originating from Antioch), it referred to Christ. Already in the 4th century, the Trisagion entered the liturgy. In the middle of the 5th century, we encounter a new version of the Trisagion (known as SanctusDeus, Sanctus Fortis), which was an elaboration of the above-mentioned hymn. It also found use in the liturgy and originally had a Trinitarian sense. The Monophysites, in order to give the hymn an anti-Chalcedonian sense, added to it the expression who was crucified for us; this makes the hymn unambiguously Christological, but it may also suggest theopaschism (all of the Trinity was crucified). In Antioch, where the Trisagion first appeared in that form (and where the hymn had always been interpreted as referring to Christ), this addition did not provoke protests from the Chalcedonians. However, when the Monophysite emperor Anastasius decided to introduce this version to the liturgy in Constantinople, the inhabitants of the capital – accustomed to understanding the Trisagion in the Trinitarian sense – interpreted the change as an offence against the Trinity. This caused the outbreak of the Trisagion riots (512). Not long afterwards, restoring the anthem in the version without the addition became one of the postulates of military commander Vitalian's rebellion against Anastasius. Thus, in the case under analysis, we see theology and liturgy blending with current politics; one and the same hymn could be understood as heretical in one city and as completely orthodox in another.

Developing the thesis that music is a central experience of art and life, the essays in this edited volume focus on the visual and performing arts interrogate and detail significant instances of intra-art relatons which contributed to key developments in modernism and postmodernism. The insistent influence of Wagner is considered, as well as the enduring aura of late-Romanticism into the contemporary period. From publisher's website: Opening with an account of print portraiture facilitating Franz Liszt's celebrity status and concluding with Riot Grrrl's noisy politics of feminism and performance, this interdisciplinary anthology charts the relationship between music and the visual arts from late Romanticism and the birth of modernism to 'postmodernism', while crossing from Western art to the Middle East. Focused on music as a central experience of art and life, these essays scrutinize 'the musicalisation of art' focusing on the visual and performing arts and detailing significant instances of intra-art relations between c. 1840 and the present day. Essays reflect on the aesthetic relationships of music to painting, performance and installation, sound-and- silence, time-and-space. The insistent influence of Wagner is considered as well as the work and ideas of Manet, Satie and Cage, Thomas Wilfred, La Monte Young and Eliasson. What distinguishes these studies are the convictions that music is never alone and that a full understanding of the "isms" of the last two hundred years is best achieved when music's influential presence in the visual arts is acknowledged and interrogated.

In the aftermath of the Cronulla riots, schools were faced with the fallout of social conflict, including having to deal with widespread fear and confusion both in their local communities and among students. This was especially the case for schools in the Sutherland Shire and in the local government area (LGA) of Bankstown. Apart from the presence of many young people in the initial riot and the revenge raids, some schools, like churches, had been the target of attacks (Leys and Box, 2005: 1; Daily Telegraph, 2005: 5). Schools were also targeted as places to battle the consequences of cultural division: the then Prime Minister John Howard, in his Australia Day speech just over a month after the riots, complained that the teaching of Australian history in schools needed reform to properly foster the core values that would bind a nation together (Sydney Morning Herald, 2006). At all levels of government, a raft of programs designed to ease local tensions were introduced, many of which focused on young people or on schools (see Board of Studies New South Wales, 2007; Surf Life Saving NSW, 2006). This article outlines the contexts for understanding the role of schools: both in terms of the spatial dynamics of the 'Shire' and in terms of the changing nature of educational policy. It then focuses on a National Values Education Project (NVEP) involving five schools in south and south-western Sydney as a direct response to the Cronulla riot. It suggests that these contexts produce both a degree of cultural heterogeneity in young people's social lives and a degree of segregation amongst young people in schooling which delimits 'what is possible' in terms of schooling responses to the Cronulla riot.

The intense social upheaval that spread through a number of UK cities in the riots and protests of August, 2011 signalled the terrifying speed with which passionate disaffection can turn to uncontained violence. At stake in the dense and volatile debate that ensued, and in the acts of violence themselves, were contests over spaces as well as competing models of democracy, publics and citizenship, including the appropriate use of social media. Within these debates, almost universally, rational deliberative discourse and action is assumed to be the only route to legitimate "civil" society. So what is to be made of the violent physical contest over city squares, streets and property, as well as contests over acts of participation and demonstration played out online through the hundreds of eyewitness videos posted to sites like YouTube and the endless flow of often vitriolic words in blogs, comments spaces and social network sites? This paper uses a video posted to YouTube titled 'Clapham Junction Speaker (London Riots 2011)' to examine the passion and provocation that flowed beyond the city streets to enliven, intensify and sustain forms of protest and civic engagement. We argue that the aggressive and antagonistic tenor of the Speaker's twenty minute monologue, the bitter vitriol that flowed through the comments space, and even the act of posting it constitute significant elements of a generative, 'agonistic' public, to use Chantal Mouffe's term, that operates in multiple spaces and outside of the rationalising discourse demanded by mainstream media and government. This paper develops a richer understanding of these spaces of protest, and the concept of provocation central to these events.

Lately Indonesia is facing a lot of tremendous experience about religious violence. Indonesian Islam which is previously assumed as peaceful religion is suddenly changing to be frightening religion. The destruction in some places such as Bali Bombing, JW Marriot Bombing, and Sampang riot in some places Islam is the trigger of religious violence. This paper discusses the repetition of religious violence in Indonesia especially after New Order era. The writer argues that religious violence in Indonesia is as natural disaster, historical process in human evolution and as close experience that presenting and relating to human history. It may be caused by political condition and the response to economic injustice. In doing so, it is kind of social acceleration toward the process of change and also being a factor of the emergence of new agenda. This is because every disaster, including religious violence, requires an adjustment and a new formulation of the functions that have been damaged.

Protests have long been marginalized by media coverage which fails to capture the motivations, goals, and demands of the protestors. The media, instead, tends to focus on the actions and appearances of protestors which leads to the delegitimization and demonization of protest. This type of negative coverage has been termed the "protest paradigm". The protest paradigm has been found to be particularly prevalent in coverage of anti-Black racism protests. This is despite scholarship which argues that anti-Black racism protests tend to encounter more state repression by police than other types of protests. This indicates that there is a significant media bias against anti-Black racism protests in that repression is not being accurately covered. This work aims to investigate whether media coverage of the George Floyd protests from May-June 2020 are similarly delegitimized by the protest paradigm despite the greater institutionalization of the Black Lives Matter movement since its inception. This analysis also seeks to investigate how the actions and appearances of the police at protests factor into the portrayals of protestors and the protests themselves. These questions will be answered through a frame analysis of protest coverage from Fox News and CNN during the height of the protests following the murder of George Floyd. This analysis, then, seeks to move the protest paradigm literature forward by furthering understandings of how the protest paradigm is used by media outlets of different political orientations as well as how other protest roles are portrayed. The analysis finds that anti-Black racism protests are still heavily delegitimized by the media regardless of political orientation. It also finds that the police tend to be given greater legitimacy even when using force. The delegitimization of protestors/protest is achieved through extensive focus on the criminal and confrontational nature of protestors while police are framed as victims of these behaviors. Only slight differences in framing between the media outlets was observed. Ultimately, this research concludes that the protest paradigm is still used to systematically delegitimize protest movements which challenge the status quo. However, the analysis also finds that greater refinement of the protest paradigm is needed to capture nuances in media coverage as well as to include how the paradigm manifests differently textually versus visually. The research also argues the need for greater collaboration between the protest paradigm, police militarization, and protest policing literature to understand the potentially cyclical effects of disproportionate state repression and biased media coverage.

Theoretical perspectives that give primacy to ideological or structural determinism have dominated criminological analysis of the 2011 English 'riots'. This paper provides an alternative social psychological perspective through detailed empirical analysis of two of these riots. We utilize novel forms of data to build triangulated accounts of the nature of the events and explore the perspectives of participants. We assert these riots cannot be adequately understood merely in terms pre-existing social understandings and political realities and that identity-based interactional crowd dynamics were critically important. The paper demonstrates the value of the social identity approach in providing criminological theory with a richer and deeper perspective on these complex social phenomena.