Suchergebnisse

The neutral language The Universal Esperanto Association (UEA), founded in 1908, is an international NGO that unites speakers of the planned or constructed language Esperanto. During the two world wars and the cold war UEA faced a series of conflicts based on political or organisational questions: a) National Esperanto organisations saw themselves as competitors and tried to exert increasing influence on Esperanto at an international level. They complained about political issues discussed in the UEA monthly publication Esperanto. Reorganisation of the Esperanto movement made national organisations independent affiliates of the UEA. Part of the question was how to finance activities beneficial to the whole movement, e.g. public relations, lobbying and the collection and compilation of statistics. b) Particular problems arose in national organisations facing a specific political situation, as in communist countries or Hitler's Germany. Local organisations were either banned or forced to adapt to prevailing political circumstances. This could bring them into conflict with the UEA which wanted to preserve its neutrality and which, in turn, demanded neutrality from the national organisations. After 1980 the UEA required national organisations only to respect the neutrality of the UEA. c) Some members tried to link the UEA to political movements, such as pacifism. In the 1960s and 1970s members of the UEA youth section believed neutrality should become an 'active' neutrality. Active neutrality meant not just avoiding contact with all (non-neutral) NGOs but seeking contact with NGOs of various political persuasions. However this initiative, not widely supported by UEA members, did not prove successfully. In general the UEA managed to remain neutral in spite of its growing universality, as more and more national affiliates from communist countries and the so-called third world joined it. Nevertheless it had to accept that, for example, the Czech association referred in its constitution to the leading role of the communist party. In 1934, over the question whether Jews in Germany could be listed in the UEA yearbook as local contacts ('delegates'), the UEA asked them to resign 'voluntarily'. Reasons for ignoring non-neutrality could be not only the goal of universality but also the fact that national affiliates were a source of income. Previous historiography of Esperanto sometimes uncovered political motivation where none existed. The most important examples are the Stockholm 'nationalist putsch' of 1934 and the Hamburg 'communist putsch' of 1974. Political motivation can be eliminated: in both cases the 'putsch' centred on the personal ambitions of a leader relinquishing his position. The main source of this historical research was the UEA archive. Other material was found in books and periodicals of the Esperanto language community. In addition, interviews were conducted with Esperantists from fifteen countries.

Der Beitrag würdigt Leben und Werk von Lazar Ludwik Zamenhof, der Ende des 19. Jh.s die Hilfssprache Esperanto schuf, und zieht Parallelen zu Leben und Werk von Eliezer Ben-Jehuda, der das moderne Hebräisch geschaffen hat. Beide sahen das jüdische Identitätsproblem untrennbar mit der Sprachenfrage verknüpft. Auch Zamenhof spielte zeitweise mit dem Gedanken der Erneuerung des Hebräischen und der Einführung des lateinischen Alphabets für die jiddische Sprache, verwarf aber schließlich beide Lösungen zugunsten einer neutralen internationalen Sprache, die zugleich auch als jüdische Nationalsprache dienen sollte. (DÜI-Hns)

The nation state is a form of government that merges a dominant ethnic or culture group with a political entity on a shared territory. It dates from the 17th and 18th centuries and it was the dominant state form in the 19th and 20th centuries. In this model, government legitimacy stems from providing services (such as education, infrastructure and social programs) to the citizenry. Esperanto is a product of the nation state period and much of the symbolism and structure of the Esperanto movement is tied to nation state ideas. At present however, according to many social and political analysts, this form of state organization is now in decline and a new state form, often referred to as the market state, is emerging. In the market state the relationship between citizens and governments, as well as governments with each other, undergo profound, far reaching changes. This article examines opportunities and obstacles that this new state form poses for the Esperanto movement. ; Państwo narodowe jest modelem rządu skupiającym główne grupy etniczne, językowe bądź kulturowe na wspólnym terytorium. Jego początki pochodzą z XVII i XVII wieku i było najpowszechniejszym modelem Państwa w XIX i XX wieku. W tym modelu uzasadnienie dla rządu wynika z dostarczania usług obywatelom (np. edukacja, infrastruktura, zabezpieczenie społeczne). Esperanto jest produktem ery państwa narodowego i wiele symboli i struktur ruchu esperanckiego związanych jest z ideami państwa narodowego. Obecnie natomiast według wielu analityków i publicystów, ten model organizacji państwa chyli się ku upadkowi, a wyłania się nowy model państwa, często określany jako państwo rynkowe. W państwie rynkowym relacje między obywatelem i rządem, tak jak między samymi rządami, ulegają daleko idącym przemianom. Ten artykuł omówi możliwości i przeszkody dla ruchu esperanckiego wynikające z tego nowego modelu państwa.

El presente estudio aborda la repercusión del movimiento esperantista en los medios de comunicación en España, tanto en la prensa de la época como en las publicaciones editadas en esperanto por las diversas asociaciones. Se trata de un recorrido que comienza en 1898, desde la aparición de la primera crónica periodística a favor del esperanto realizada por Pi y Margall en El Nuevo Régimen, hasta el término de la Guerra civil en 1939. De esta forma, se detalla la llegada de la propuesta lingüística del polaco L.L Zamenhof al territorio español atendiendo a la emergencia de asociaciones que se ocuparon de la divulgación del idioma a través de sus publicaciones en cada periodo. El desarrollo del esperantismo acogerá el primer congreso universal en España durante el reinado de Alfonso XIII. Tras el duro golpe que supuso la Gran Guerra, de 1923 a 1931 tuvo lugar la dictadura de Primo de Rivera que dejó atrás un periodo dorado del movimiento obrero. Con la llegada de la Segunda República en 1931 tuvo lugar una etapa de florecimiento donde republicanos, masones, católicos y militares, impulsaron la propagación del idioma. Hasta entonces, España estuvo dividida en grupos neutrales y obreros, que a su vez estuvieron fragmentados en anarquistas, socialistas o comunistas. Del mismo modo, se creó un movimiento catalán muy activo y presente que cesaría con el triunfo del bando franquista en la Guerra civil. El estudio profundiza en publicaciones esperantistas que conforman una realidad escasamente atendida en el mundo académico. ; The present study deals with the repercussion of the esperanto movement in the media in Spain, both in the press of the time and in publications published in esperanto by the various associations. It is a journey that begins in 1898, from the appearance of the first journalistic chronicle in favor of esperanto written by Pi y Margall in El Nuevo Régimen, until the end of the Civil War in 1939. In this way, the arrival of the linguistic proposal of the Polish L.L Zamenhof to Spanish territory is detailed, taking into account the emergence of associations that dealt with the dissemination of the language through their publications in each period. The development of Esperantism will host the first universal congress in Spain during the reign of Alfonso XIII. After the hard blow that the Great War supposed, from 1923 to 1931, the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera took place, leaving behind a golden period of the labor movement. With the arrival of the Second Republic in 1931, a flourishing stage took place where Republicans, Freemasons, Catholics and the military promoted the spread of the language. Until then, Spain was divided into neutral groups and workers, which in turn were fragmented into anarchists, socialists or communists. In the same way, a very active and present Catalan movement was created that would end with the triumph of the Francoist side in the civil war. The study delves into esperanto publications that make up a reality poorly attended in the academic world.