Suchergebnisse

International audience ; The bid of Marseille-Provence to become the 2013-European Capital of Culture will be questioned to understand the current reconfiguration of urban power within this territory. This text will examine the prevalence of economic factors over the decision-making process of the bid. This lends credence to neo-Marxist geographical analysis. However, we will pose the question of whether or not this represents a turning point in the interactions between local elected officials and economic actors, as the authorities' resources and capital of legitimization have been reallocated and a new territory for public policies enforcement founded. On the one hand, and in accordance with the approach's criticism of urban governance, political actors did not ultimately grant access to local power to business leaders. On the other hand, in questioning some of these neo-institutionalist findings, the "playing as a team" leitmotiv (and therefore, the "collective actor") has not performed effectively, and shows itself to be incapable of overcoming political divisions. Nevertheless, a new variety of political labor was tested, to a large extent, during the Capital endeavor and this has reconfigured territory-based political exchanges. ; La candidature de Marseille-Provence au titre de Capitale européenne de la culture en 2013 sera interrogée pour comprendre les dynamiques actuelles de recom-position du pouvoir urbain au sein de ce territoire. On se demandera dans quelle mesure la séquence a constitué un tournant dans les interactions entre les élus et les acteurs économiques, en redistribuant les ressources d'autorité et en fondant un nouveau ter-ritoire d'action publique. À première vue, la domination des facteurs économiques sur la candidature tend à accréditer les résultats des travaux de la géographie urbaine néo-marxiste. Cependant, et conformément à la critique formulée par les approches de la gouvernance urbaine, les acteurs politiques n'ont pas été jusqu'à remettre les clés du pouvoir local aux ...

How does the elite take charge of urban production and make the city for itself? This question is explored in San Pedro GarzaGarcia, the richest municipality in Mexico, located in the Metropolitan Area of Monterrey, in the northeast of the country.Home to the elite since the 1950s, the municipality is now being redeveloped from large urban projects adopting theproduction methods of the global city. The financialization of the city is accelerating a process of privatization of productionand urban forms, of which this thesis highlights the historicity.For more than a century, the coincidence between economic growth and the consolidation of the elite has set the pace forthe city's production. The study of the production of the elite territory, from different angles of approach, economic, political,social, allows the understanding of a particular territory of very strong social aggregation. The analysis of urban developmentprojects initiated by these large families since 2010 enables us to understand how the funds and financial tools they mobilize,through the creation of investment funds, become levers of power that strengthen their control over local urban governance.The planning of projects in which land is considered as a financial asset and the capitalization of projects by investment fundsgenerate a privatization of urban management. These changes allow the elites to accentuate the isolation of the municipality,in which several urban objects are emerging at different levels of closure (from high-rise buildings and neighborhoods tomajor urban projects).The study is conducted at the level of individuals, those who are affected by the major project on a daily basis: managingdirectors of investment funds and large companies, elected officials, and residents. The network analysis of these actors andtheir families reveals the homogeneity of this social class. Crossed with the observation of the modes of financing of majorprojects, this work reveals their monopoly on access to and investment of financial capital. This ...

How does the elite take charge of urban production and make the city for itself? This question is explored in San Pedro GarzaGarcia, the richest municipality in Mexico, located in the Metropolitan Area of Monterrey, in the northeast of the country.Home to the elite since the 1950s, the municipality is now being redeveloped from large urban projects adopting theproduction methods of the global city. The financialization of the city is accelerating a process of privatization of productionand urban forms, of which this thesis highlights the historicity.For more than a century, the coincidence between economic growth and the consolidation of the elite has set the pace forthe city's production. The study of the production of the elite territory, from different angles of approach, economic, political,social, allows the understanding of a particular territory of very strong social aggregation. The analysis of urban developmentprojects initiated by these large families since 2010 enables us to understand how the funds and financial tools they mobilize,through the creation of investment funds, become levers of power that strengthen their control over local urban governance.The planning of projects in which land is considered as a financial asset and the capitalization of projects by investment fundsgenerate a privatization of urban management. These changes allow the elites to accentuate the isolation of the municipality,in which several urban objects are emerging at different levels of closure (from high-rise buildings and neighborhoods tomajor urban projects).The study is conducted at the level of individuals, those who are affected by the major project on a daily basis: managingdirectors of investment funds and large companies, elected officials, and residents. The network analysis of these actors andtheir families reveals the homogeneity of this social class. Crossed with the observation of the modes of financing of majorprojects, this work reveals their monopoly on access to and investment of financial capital. This ...

How does the elite take charge of urban production and make the city for itself? This question is explored in San Pedro GarzaGarcia, the richest municipality in Mexico, located in the Metropolitan Area of Monterrey, in the northeast of the country.Home to the elite since the 1950s, the municipality is now being redeveloped from large urban projects adopting theproduction methods of the global city. The financialization of the city is accelerating a process of privatization of productionand urban forms, of which this thesis highlights the historicity.For more than a century, the coincidence between economic growth and the consolidation of the elite has set the pace forthe city's production. The study of the production of the elite territory, from different angles of approach, economic, political,social, allows the understanding of a particular territory of very strong social aggregation. The analysis of urban developmentprojects initiated by these large families since 2010 enables us to understand how the funds and financial tools they mobilize,through the creation of investment funds, become levers of power that strengthen their control over local urban governance.The planning of projects in which land is considered as a financial asset and the capitalization of projects by investment fundsgenerate a privatization of urban management. These changes allow the elites to accentuate the isolation of the municipality,in which several urban objects are emerging at different levels of closure (from high-rise buildings and neighborhoods tomajor urban projects).The study is conducted at the level of individuals, those who are affected by the major project on a daily basis: managingdirectors of investment funds and large companies, elected officials, and residents. The network analysis of these actors andtheir families reveals the homogeneity of this social class. Crossed with the observation of the modes of financing of majorprojects, this work reveals their monopoly on access to and investment of financial capital. This ...

How does the elite take charge of urban production and make the city for itself? This question is explored in San Pedro GarzaGarcia, the richest municipality in Mexico, located in the Metropolitan Area of Monterrey, in the northeast of the country.Home to the elite since the 1950s, the municipality is now being redeveloped from large urban projects adopting theproduction methods of the global city. The financialization of the city is accelerating a process of privatization of productionand urban forms, of which this thesis highlights the historicity.For more than a century, the coincidence between economic growth and the consolidation of the elite has set the pace forthe city's production. The study of the production of the elite territory, from different angles of approach, economic, political,social, allows the understanding of a particular territory of very strong social aggregation. The analysis of urban developmentprojects initiated by these large families since 2010 enables us to understand how the funds and financial tools they mobilize,through the creation of investment funds, become levers of power that strengthen their control over local urban governance.The planning of projects in which land is considered as a financial asset and the capitalization of projects by investment fundsgenerate a privatization of urban management. These changes allow the elites to accentuate the isolation of the municipality,in which several urban objects are emerging at different levels of closure (from high-rise buildings and neighborhoods tomajor urban projects).The study is conducted at the level of individuals, those who are affected by the major project on a daily basis: managingdirectors of investment funds and large companies, elected officials, and residents. The network analysis of these actors andtheir families reveals the homogeneity of this social class. Crossed with the observation of the modes of financing of majorprojects, this work reveals their monopoly on access to and investment of financial capital. This ...

How does the elite take charge of urban production and make the city for itself? This question is explored in San Pedro GarzaGarcia, the richest municipality in Mexico, located in the Metropolitan Area of Monterrey, in the northeast of the country.Home to the elite since the 1950s, the municipality is now being redeveloped from large urban projects adopting theproduction methods of the global city. The financialization of the city is accelerating a process of privatization of productionand urban forms, of which this thesis highlights the historicity.For more than a century, the coincidence between economic growth and the consolidation of the elite has set the pace forthe city's production. The study of the production of the elite territory, from different angles of approach, economic, political,social, allows the understanding of a particular territory of very strong social aggregation. The analysis of urban developmentprojects initiated by these large families since 2010 enables us to understand how the funds and financial tools they mobilize,through the creation of investment funds, become levers of power that strengthen their control over local urban governance.The planning of projects in which land is considered as a financial asset and the capitalization of projects by investment fundsgenerate a privatization of urban management. These changes allow the elites to accentuate the isolation of the municipality,in which several urban objects are emerging at different levels of closure (from high-rise buildings and neighborhoods tomajor urban projects).The study is conducted at the level of individuals, those who are affected by the major project on a daily basis: managingdirectors of investment funds and large companies, elected officials, and residents. The network analysis of these actors andtheir families reveals the homogeneity of this social class. Crossed with the observation of the modes of financing of majorprojects, this work reveals their monopoly on access to and investment of financial capital. This ...

International audience ; The bid of Marseille-Provence to become the 2013-European Capital of Culture will be questioned to understand the current reconfiguration of urban power within this territory. This text will examine the prevalence of economic factors over the decision-making process of the bid. This lends credence to neo-Marxist geographical analysis. However, we will pose the question of whether or not this represents a turning point in the interactions between local elected officials and economic actors, as the authorities' resources and capital of legitimization have been reallocated and a new territory for public policies enforcement founded. On the one hand, and in accordance with the approach's criticism of urban governance, political actors did not ultimately grant access to local power to business leaders. On the other hand, in questioning some of these neo-institutionalist findings, the "playing as a team" leitmotiv (and therefore, the "collective actor") has not performed effectively, and shows itself to be incapable of overcoming political divisions. Nevertheless, a new variety of political labor was tested, to a large extent, during the Capital endeavor and this has reconfigured territory-based political exchanges. ; La candidature de Marseille-Provence au titre de Capitale européenne de la culture en 2013 sera interrogée pour comprendre les dynamiques actuelles de recom-position du pouvoir urbain au sein de ce territoire. On se demandera dans quelle mesure la séquence a constitué un tournant dans les interactions entre les élus et les acteurs économiques, en redistribuant les ressources d'autorité et en fondant un nouveau ter-ritoire d'action publique. À première vue, la domination des facteurs économiques sur la candidature tend à accréditer les résultats des travaux de la géographie urbaine néo-marxiste. Cependant, et conformément à la critique formulée par les approches de la gouvernance urbaine, les acteurs politiques n'ont pas été jusqu'à remettre les clés du pouvoir local aux animateurs de la chambre de commerce. Nuançant les conclusions de ces perspectives néo-institutionnalistes, en dépit des injonctions des acteurs privés, nous voudrions montrer que le « jouer collectif » n'a jamais pleinement fonc-tionné, ni permis de voir émerger un acteur territorial doté de capacités d'actions nou-velles. En somme, nous verrons que la division du travail politique qui a sous-tendu l'opération Capitale a certes recomposé les frontières de l'échange politique territoria-lisé, mais sans dépasser les conflits d'institution ou les luttes politiques structurantes du pouvoir urbain. Abstract: The bid of Marseille-Provence to become the 2013-European Capital of Culture will be questioned to understand the current recomposition of urban power within this territory. This text will examine the prevalence of economic factors over the decision-making process of the bid. This lends credence to the neo-marxist geographical analysis. However, we will wonder if it stands

International audience ; The bid of Marseille-Provence to become the 2013-European Capital of Culture will be questioned to understand the current reconfiguration of urban power within this territory. This text will examine the prevalence of economic factors over the decision-making process of the bid. This lends credence to neo-Marxist geographical analysis. However, we will pose the question of whether or not this represents a turning point in the interactions between local elected officials and economic actors, as the authorities' resources and capital of legitimization have been reallocated and a new territory for public policies enforcement founded. On the one hand, and in accordance with the approach's criticism of urban governance, political actors did not ultimately grant access to local power to business leaders. On the other hand, in questioning some of these neo-institutionalist findings, the "playing as a team" leitmotiv (and therefore, the "collective actor") has not performed effectively, and shows itself to be incapable of overcoming political divisions. Nevertheless, a new variety of political labor was tested, to a large extent, during the Capital endeavor and this has reconfigured territory-based political exchanges. ; La candidature de Marseille-Provence au titre de Capitale européenne de la culture en 2013 sera interrogée pour comprendre les dynamiques actuelles de recom-position du pouvoir urbain au sein de ce territoire. On se demandera dans quelle mesure la séquence a constitué un tournant dans les interactions entre les élus et les acteurs économiques, en redistribuant les ressources d'autorité et en fondant un nouveau ter-ritoire d'action publique. À première vue, la domination des facteurs économiques sur la candidature tend à accréditer les résultats des travaux de la géographie urbaine néo-marxiste. Cependant, et conformément à la critique formulée par les approches de la gouvernance urbaine, les acteurs politiques n'ont pas été jusqu'à remettre les clés du pouvoir local aux animateurs de la chambre de commerce. Nuançant les conclusions de ces perspectives néo-institutionnalistes, en dépit des injonctions des acteurs privés, nous voudrions montrer que le « jouer collectif » n'a jamais pleinement fonc-tionné, ni permis de voir émerger un acteur territorial doté de capacités d'actions nou-velles. En somme, nous verrons que la division du travail politique qui a sous-tendu l'opération Capitale a certes recomposé les frontières de l'échange politique territoria-lisé, mais sans dépasser les conflits d'institution ou les luttes politiques structurantes du pouvoir urbain. Abstract: The bid of Marseille-Provence to become the 2013-European Capital of Culture will be questioned to understand the current recomposition of urban power within this territory. This text will examine the prevalence of economic factors over the decision-making process of the bid. This lends credence to the neo-marxist geographical analysis. However, we will wonder if it stands

The research note analyzes the origins of urban governance, as a notion, in the North American scientific debate & deals with the process of importation of this notion in Europe. It shows how the latter has led to a transformation of the content of urban governance. It is possible to imagine a huge comparative scientific agenda, at the junction of North American & European scientific traditions. Adapted from the source document.

International audience ; The urban governance approach has proved quite fruitful to contribute to the understanding of the transformation of French cities and urban policies in a context of decentralization. In opposition to their predecessors, who focused on vertical relations between the State and local authorities, political scientists and sociologists working on urban governance in the 1990s have emphasized the importance of horizontal coordination between various actors, social groups, and institutions. In doing so, they have tended to overlook the specific role and resources of the State. In this paper, we propose to bring the State back in the scope of urban governance analysis, in order to reconsider the vertical dimension of horizontal coordination processes. Indeed, the central government has delegated to local authorities responsibility for implementing numerous national programs and achieving coherence between the latters. But this devolution doesn't mean further hollowing of the State in urban governance. Quite the reverses, it allows the State to steer at arm's length collective action in the cities through new tools of government such as competitive bidding, performance indicators, and the encouragement of "best practices". ; Forgée dans les années 1990, la notion de gouvernance urbaine a permis de rendre compte de la transformation des enjeux et des modes de conduite des politiques urbaines dans un contexte de pluralisation des systèmes d'acteurs et de fragmentation des ressources. En y recourant, les politistes et sociologues ont insisté sur l'importance des relations horizontales entre les multiples acteurs, groupes sociaux et institutions intervenant dans les politiques urbaines, à rebours de leurs prédécesseurs qui se concentraient sur les relations verticales entre l'Etat et les villes. Ce changement d'axe analytique, de la coordination verticale à la coopération horizontale, a probablement été excessif, occultant le maintien d'une forme de centralité étatique et le rôle spécifique qu'a pu ...

The central question of this PhD thesis is: How the actors of territorial governance have built the suburban areas of the cities of intermediate subregional size in Chile between 1960 and 2015? This question was addressed through the analysis of urban and rural planning and regulation policies, as well as through their institutional interactions. In order to answer this question, we faced two obstacles at the beginning of the construction of this thesis. The first has corresponded to the absence of the concept of periurban, which is not officially defined in the norms or instruments of the Chilean State. The second obstacle has been the rare production of scientific studies on territorial governance in Chile.The strategy used to address the research question has been to separate it down into several components, supporting us in the construction and development of new analysis tools. We begin this thesis with a theoretical reading on the fundamental concepts of geography (geographic space, region, territory, urban, rural) in order to delve into one of the key concepts of the thesis: the peri-urban (chapter 1). Then we continue this reading with the second key concept that corresponds to territorial governance (chapter 2). Both readings were conducted using a scientific literature' state of several decades. Next, we continue by analyzing three types of spatial indicators: sociodemographic, socioeconomic, and land use, to demonstrate the phenomenon of periurbanization in intermediate-sized cities in Chile (chapter 3). Then we approach the peri-urban political construction led by different actors of territorial governance using two of temporal research components. The first corresponds to the long-term broad view (1960-2013) that is focused on the territorial impacts of urban regulation instruments (chapter 4) and rural transformation instruments (chapter 5) led by actors at the national level. This approach allows us to analyze the decisions that have built the peri-urban since the 1960s in Chile. The second ...

The central question of this PhD thesis is: How the actors of territorial governance have built the suburban areas of the cities of intermediate subregional size in Chile between 1960 and 2015? This question was addressed through the analysis of urban and rural planning and regulation policies, as well as through their institutional interactions. In order to answer this question, we faced two obstacles at the beginning of the construction of this thesis. The first has corresponded to the absence of the concept of periurban, which is not officially defined in the norms or instruments of the Chilean State. The second obstacle has been the rare production of scientific studies on territorial governance in Chile.The strategy used to address the research question has been to separate it down into several components, supporting us in the construction and development of new analysis tools. We begin this thesis with a theoretical reading on the fundamental concepts of geography (geographic space, region, territory, urban, rural) in order to delve into one of the key concepts of the thesis: the peri-urban (chapter 1). Then we continue this reading with the second key concept that corresponds to territorial governance (chapter 2). Both readings were conducted using a scientific literature' state of several decades. Next, we continue by analyzing three types of spatial indicators: sociodemographic, socioeconomic, and land use, to demonstrate the phenomenon of periurbanization in intermediate-sized cities in Chile (chapter 3). Then we approach the peri-urban political construction led by different actors of territorial governance using two of temporal research components. The first corresponds to the long-term broad view (1960-2013) that is focused on the territorial impacts of urban regulation instruments (chapter 4) and rural transformation instruments (chapter 5) led by actors at the national level. This approach allows us to analyze the decisions that have built the peri-urban since the 1960s in Chile. The second ...

The central question of this PhD thesis is: How the actors of territorial governance have built the suburban areas of the cities of intermediate subregional size in Chile between 1960 and 2015? This question was addressed through the analysis of urban and rural planning and regulation policies, as well as through their institutional interactions. In order to answer this question, we faced two obstacles at the beginning of the construction of this thesis. The first has corresponded to the absence of the concept of periurban, which is not officially defined in the norms or instruments of the Chilean State. The second obstacle has been the rare production of scientific studies on territorial governance in Chile.The strategy used to address the research question has been to separate it down into several components, supporting us in the construction and development of new analysis tools. We begin this thesis with a theoretical reading on the fundamental concepts of geography (geographic space, region, territory, urban, rural) in order to delve into one of the key concepts of the thesis: the peri-urban (chapter 1). Then we continue this reading with the second key concept that corresponds to territorial governance (chapter 2). Both readings were conducted using a scientific literature' state of several decades. Next, we continue by analyzing three types of spatial indicators: sociodemographic, socioeconomic, and land use, to demonstrate the phenomenon of periurbanization in intermediate-sized cities in Chile (chapter 3). Then we approach the peri-urban political construction led by different actors of territorial governance using two of temporal research components. The first corresponds to the long-term broad view (1960-2013) that is focused on the territorial impacts of urban regulation instruments (chapter 4) and rural transformation instruments (chapter 5) led by actors at the national level. This approach allows us to analyze the decisions that have built the peri-urban since the 1960s in Chile. The second ...

Analyzes origins of urban governance in the North American scientific debate and the importation of this notion in Europe. Summary in English.

International audience ; Three cities are studed in order to understand their governance of city-branding. The human organisation, the feasibility and the objectives are compared. The difficulties of branding are about the leadership, the restriction in the field of discourse and the capacity to be in conflict. ; A travers trois terrains, la gouvernance de la fabrication de l'image de marque de la ville est questionnée en matière d'organisation, de faisabilité et d'objectifs à atteindre. Les dynamiques territoriales basées sur des organisations politiques permettent de comparer trois démarches qui peinent à aboutir, que ce soit en coopérations intra-territoriales qu'extra-erritoriales