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Development of a nation can be measured by the steps it has taken to promote the applications of Information and Communication Technology (ICT). E-government initiatives by the government are trying to integrate the applications of ICT to deliver cost effective services to the stake holders in a transparent and efficient manner. The mode of governance is rapidly changing in India due to the revolutionary nature of ICT. This paper analyse the influence of demographic variables specifically gender, region, age and past internet experience on intention to use e-governance. The result reveals that urban respondents show more intention to use e-government services than rural, but Gender has no significant influence. Also respondents having more internet experience show significant influence on intention to use e-government services. It is further found that a greater number or individuals are willing to change over with the enhancement of service quality with high speed un interrupted services.

ObjectiveDuring the 1970s and 1980s in the U.S., population movement, urban sprawl and urban governance reform led to a proliferation of local, autonomous jurisdictions. Prior literature examines how this creation of local governments, also referred to as political fragmentation, contributes to economic growth and social inequality. We examine the impact of political fragmentation on health equity by testing the hypothesis that the mortality disparity between whites and African-Americans varies positively with political fragmentation.MethodsWe retrieved mortality data from the multiple cause-of-death file and calculated total number of local governments per 1000 residents in a county to measure the degree of political fragmentation. We focused on 226 U.S. counties with population size greater than 200,000 and restricted the analysis to four distinct periods with overlapping government and mortality data (1972-73, 1977-78, 1982-83, and 1987-88). We applied generalized estimating equation methods that permit analysis of clustered data over time. Methods also controlled for the age structure of the population, reductions in mortality over time, and confounding by county-level sociodemographic variables.ResultsAdjusted coefficients of fragmentation are positive and statistically significant for both whites (coef: 2.60, SE: 0.60, p<0.001) and African-Americans (coef: 5.31, SE: 1.56, p<0.001). The two-fold larger positive coefficient for African-Americans than for whites indicates a greater racial disparity in mortality among more politically fragmented urban counties and/or time periods.ConclusionsFrom 1972 to 1988, political fragmentation in large urban counties moves positively with the racial/ethnic gap in mortality between whites and African-Americans. We discuss intervening mechanisms through which political fragmentation may disproportionately affect mortality among African-Americans.

Objective:During the 1970s and 1980s in the U.S., population movement, urban sprawl and urban governance reform led to a proliferation of local, autonomous jurisdictions. Prior literature examines how this creation of local governments, also referred to as political fragmentation, contributes to economic growth and social inequality. We examine the impact of political fragmentation on health equity by testing the hypothesis that the mortality disparity between whites and African-Americans varies positively with political fragmentation. Methods:We retrieved mortality data from the multiple cause-of-death file and calculated total number of local governments per 1000 residents in a county to measure the degree of political fragmentation. We focused on 226 U.S. counties with population size greater than 200,000 and restricted the analysis to four distinct periods with overlapping government and mortality data (1972-73, 1977-78, 1982-83, and 1987-88). We applied generalized estimating equation methods that permit analysis of clustered data over time. Methods also controlled for the age structure of the population, reductions in mortality over time, and confounding by county-level sociodemographic variables. Results:Adjusted coefficients of fragmentation are positive and statistically significant for both whites (coef: 2.60, SE: 0.60, p<0.001) and African-Americans (coef: 5.31, SE: 1.56, p<0.001). The two-fold larger positive coefficient for African-Americans than for whites indicates a greater racial disparity in mortality among more politically fragmented urban counties and/or time periods. Conclusions:From 1972 to 1988, political fragmentation in large urban counties moves positively with the racial/ethnic gap in mortality between whites and African-Americans. We discuss intervening mechanisms through which political fragmentation may disproportionately affect mortality among African-Americans.

In urban contexts where multiple governance actors compete for authority, a clearer approach is needed on whether and how to engage these various actors in order to reach the most vulnerable host and refugee populations.

Age-friendly Cities and Communities has emerged as a significant policy, participative and governance response to ageing and its spatial effects. This paper argues that it has important benefits in mobilising older people, placing age on the urban agenda and building recognition across politicians, policy makers and programme managers. Based on the experience of Belfast (UK), the analysis suggests however, that it needs to be understood within wider urban restructuring processes, the importance of the property economy and how planning practices favour particular groups and modes of development. Drawing on demographic data, policy documents and in-depth interviews, it evaluates the relationship between age and urban regeneration, research-based advocacy and central-local relations in health and place-based care. The paper concludes by highlighting the importance of knowledge in competitive policy arenas and the need to focus on the most excluded and isolated old and where and how they live.

A review essay on books by (1) Harry Shutt, A New Democracy. Alternatives to a Bankrupt World Order (London: Zed, 2002); (2) Benjamin Shepard & Ronald Hayduk (Eds), From ACT UP to the WTO. Urban Protest and Community Building in the Era of Globalization (London: Verso, 2002); (3) Donald F. Kettl (Ed), Environmental Governance. A Report on the Next Generation of Environmental Policy (Washington, DC: Brookings Instit, 2002); & (4) Jefferey M. Sellers, Governing from Below: Urban Regions and the Global Economy (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge U Press, 2002).

Over the last decade, a multitude of urban climate change experiments have emerged to go beyond traditional role of the state in environmental governance. These activities provide a real world evidence base for how a low-carbon world could be realised and they have the potential to fundamentally change the way that cities are conceived, built, and managed. Most urban climate change experiments are designed to be geographically and temporally bounded to accelerate innovation activities and realise actual changes on the ground. But what if urban experiments did not scale up? What if, instead of informing existing modes of urban governance, they became the dominant approach to governing cities? What would a 'city of permanent experiments' look like and how would it function? This chapter speculates on the implications of experimentation as the new mode of governance for twenty-first century cities. Here, experiments are not interpreted as one-off trials to provide evidence and justification for new low-carbon policies, regulations, and service provision; instead, they are emerging as a new mode of governance in themselves. This emerging form of urban governance is characterised by uncertainty, recursive learning processes, and spatial fragmentation with multiple unknown implications on the politics of cities in the future. ; QCR 20171211

Since 1990, the date of German reunification, urban development and especially the recovery of inner cities in East Germany has been delayed by several factors including real estate restitution claims, inflexible preservation codes for historic buildings, and the shortage of stores for retailers. This blockade situation has resulted in the quick and intensified development of shopping centres as 'inner city substitutes' on the urban periphery. The combined effect of the factors preventing revitalisation strategies and the newly realised and practised potential for autonomous action by the authorities of smaller municipalities was a severe restriction for the governing capacities of the authorities of the larger cities. in regaining their governance capability city governments are dependent on urban groups joining and supporting public developmental strategies. In accordance with Stone (1993) and Stoker and Mossberger (1994) urban groups active in urban development policy can be described as urban regimes. In Germany three types of regimes can be differentiated. The cities differ with respect to the political strength and the forms of coalition and conflict between different urban regimes. Specific conditions in East Germany have led to a special regime constellation with a powerful 'conservation regime' on the one hand and a vivid 'globalisation regime' on the other hand. This conflicting constellation results in a developmental blockade. The hypothesis is that a third regime type, the 'local alliance', is missing and still has to be created by practices such as city marketing and city management. Only when this regime building process has advanced will new constellations of political coalitions and compromise become possible and be able to reduce governance problems of city government in the long run.

This is an up-to-date and topical treatment of how six major cities in Europe, North America and Asia are coping with the new demands on urban government.