Suchergebnisse

The World Bank Group (WBG) Country Partnership Framework (CPF) for Egypt forFY15-19 has been prepared at an important juncture in Egypt's history to support transformational changes to the economic and social space. It builds on the Government of Egypt's (GOE) medium-term strategy and national priorities for economic development, responds to client demands, and is informed by consultations with a broad array of stakeholders in Egypt. At the same time, the CPF proposes selective interventions in line with the development priorities of the Systematic Country Diagnostic (SCD) for Egypt, and draws on the WBG's comparative advantage. This program will also seek to implement the new MENA Regional strategy, especially the pillars on renewing the social contract, supporting economic recovery, and promoting regional cooperation. The CPF supports a transformative program to renew the social contract to support private sector job creation, social inclusion, and enhanced governance. The WBG is moving towards more than doubling its lending program compared to the recent past, to a total of about $8 billion over FY15-19, of which an indicative amount of about $6 billion is requested by the authorities to come from IBRD and about $2 billion from IFC. The actual volume and pace of IBRD lending will dependon the implementation of the program, including the ability to address macroeconomic risks, choice of instruments and economic performance in the course of the CPF period, continued Government interest in IBRD financing, and on IBRD's lending capacity and demands from other borrowers. Similarly, the actual investments by IFC and guarantees by MIGA during the CPF period will depend on improvements in macroeconomic stability and progress in investmentclimate reforms that would boost investor confidence and facilitate greater private sector participation.

Attracting foreign direct investment (FDI) into its resource sectors has been integral to the Lao government's goal to leave the ranks of "Least Developed Countries" (Menon and Warr 2013). Having sustained average growth at more than 6% until the pandemic kicked in – with foreign grants and loans accounting for more than 20% of GDP – its socioeconomic development has been largely based on the extraction and export of the country's rich natural resources. The state generates revenue through the export of hydropower, minerals, timber, and cash crops such as rubber and bananas. The mining sector, for instance, constitutes an estimated 20% of merchandise exports (World Bank 2020: 17). However, the social and environmental costs of resource extraction constitute a key challenge to sustainable economic growth. This is particularly true for the Lao mining sector. As elsewhere in the world, extractive practices shape physical and social landscapes, altering local economies and human environment relations. In Laos, the important large-scale mining (LSM) areas are located in upland regions inhabited by peoples whose occupations are traditionally based on agriculture and forest products – livelihoods that are particularly vulnerable to the environmental impact of mining. Artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM), while providing local income opportunities, sometimes contribute to land degradation and pollution, which in turn negatively affect these communities' livelihoods (farming, fishing and livestock). Resource governance is thus a major concern for Lao state authorities. However, lack of human and financial capacities, as well as institutional disconnect and internal struggles, hamper effective control of extractive industries, especially in Laos' rapidly changing mining sector. This article gives an overview of Lao mining and discusses the social and environmental impacts of both ASM and LSM activities, with a particular focus on legal issues and local livelihood challenges.

This paper provides an overview of land reform in South Africa from 1994 to 2011, with the focus on the land redistribution. The government policies and associated implementation since 1994 have not generated expected social and economic results for a number of reasons. Even where land has been transferred, it appears to have had minimal impact on the livelihoods of beneficiaries, largely because of inappropriate project design, a lack of necessary support services and shortages of working capital, leading to widespread underutilization of land. There is no evidence to suggest that land reform has led to improvements in agricultural efficiency, income, employment or economic growth. Therefore, the current approach, based on acquisition of land through the open market, minimal support to new farmers, and bureaucratic imposition of production models loosely based on existing commercial operators, is unlikely to transform the rural economy and lift people out of poverty. The paper argues that there are two important missing aspects in the land reform program. First, there is an absence of any viable small-farmer path to development, which could enable the millions of households residing in the communal areas and on commercial farms to expand their own production and accumulate wealth and resources in an incremental manner. Making this happen would require radical restructuring of existing farm units to create family-size farms, more realistic farm planning, appropriate support from a much-reformed state agricultural service, and a much greater role for beneficiaries in the design and implementation of their own projects. Second, what is clearly missing from the governance tradition is the sustained focus on implementation, resource mobilization, and timely policy adjustment. Much more will be required for land reform program to contribute significantly to economic growth and to the redistribution of wealth and opportunities to the majority of the population.

ilustraciones, fotografías, gráficas, tablas ; La Ciudadanía Alimentaria es entendida como una apuesta teórica y epistemológica en construcción para Colombia, que presenta antecedentes conceptuales de autores como Gómez-Benito & Lozano entre otros, los cuales durante años han aportado a la idea de entenderlo como un concepto que podría ser un punto de unión entre otros conceptos más conocidos como son la Seguridad Alimentaria y Nutricional (SAN) y la Soberanía Alimentaria (SoA). Por tanto, la CA se relaciona con las formas en que los ciudadanos tanto urbanos como rurales acceden a una alimentación saludable y de calidad, que además genera procesos de movilización y organización social para conseguirla, y ejerce sus preferencias alimentarias, culturales y ancestrales, encontrándose informados sobre lo que es saludable desde el ámbito nutricional y productivo. A su vez que reconoce las condiciones en que se desarrolla la cadena agroalimentaria en términos de producción y distribución de alimentos, en la cual se pueden presentar inequidades sociales y ambientales, y por tanto actúan siendo coherentes en el ejercicio de sus prácticas alimentarias en el ámbito privado y público, generando incidencia en la gobernanza del sistema alimentario. Esta investigación ha tenido como finalidad, responder si las Escuelas de Líderes Gestores en Soberanía y Seguridad Alimentaria y Nutricional (ELIGESSAN) son escenarios de construcción de la Ciudadanía Alimentaria (CA) a partir de experiencias urbanas, campesinas, indígenas, afros y comunitarias. Se propone utilizar una metodología cualitativa para la realización de un estudio analítico de corte transversal; obteniendo los datos a partir de revisión documental y entrevistas. La CA permite establecer relaciones entre los conceptos de SAN y SoA, permitiendo la posibilidad de relacionarlos desde sus principios teóricos, dimensiones y componentes, a partir de las diferentes experiencias territoriales de las ELIGESSAN donde se ha puesto en práctica el Derecho Humano a la Alimentación desde lo local hacia lo regional. Finalmente, son las comunidades quienes realizan progresividad de este derecho a partir de mejorar su situación de SAN, SoA y ejercen sus Autonomías Alimentarias, como elementos complementarios y no contradictorios que se manifiestan en la conformación de nuevas Ciudadanías Alimentarias Diversas que revalorizan lo alimentario a partir del reconocimiento de la diferencia, la búsqueda de la igualdad y de los valores comunes que requiere una sociedad democrática. (Texto tomado de la fuente). ; Food Citizenship is understood as a theoretical and epistemological bet under construction for Colombia, which presents conceptual background of authors such as Gómez-Benito & Lozano-Cabedo among others, who for years have contributed to the idea of understanding it as a concept that could be a point of union between other better known concepts such as Food and Nutritional Security and Food Sovereignty. Therefore, Food Citizenship is related to the ways in which both urban and rural citizens have access to healthy and quality food, which also generates processes of mobilization and social organization to achieve it, and exercise their food, cultural and ancestral preferences, being informed about what is healthy from a nutritional and productive point of view. At the same time, they recognize the conditions in which the agri-food chain develops in terms of food production and distribution, in which social and environmental inequities may arise, and therefore act in a coherent manner in the exercise of their food practices in the private and public spheres, generating an impact on the governance of the food system. The purpose of this research is to answer whether the Escuelas de Líderes Gestores en Soberanía y Seguridad Alimentaria y Nutricional (in Spanish) are scenarios for the construction of Food Citizenship based on urban, peasant, indigenous, afro-descendant and community experiences. It is proposed to use a qualitative methodology for the realization of a cross-sectional analytical study, obtaining data from documentary review and interviews. The Food Citizenship allows establishing relationships between the concepts of Food and Nutritional Security and Food Sovereignty, allowing the possibility of relating them from their theoretical principles, dimensions, and components, based on the different territorial experiences of the Schools of Leaders and Managers of Food and Nutritional Sovereignty and Security where the Human Right to Food has been put into practice from the local to the regional level. Finally, it is the communities who realize the progressiveness of this right from improving their Food and Nutritional Security, Food Sovereignty situation and exercise their Food Autonomies, as complementary and not contradictory elements that are manifested in the formation of new Diverse Food Citizenships that revalue the food from the recognition of the difference, the search for equality and common values required by a democratic society. ; Incluye anexos ; Maestría ; Magíster en Seguridad Alimentaria y Nutricional ; Se definió una metodología cualitativa con la finalidad de llevar a cabo un análisis interpretativo, retrospectivo y social de las Escuelas de Líderes Gestores en SSAN para establecer posibles relaciones con la Ciudadanía Alimentaria a partir de un diseño no experimental, de lo que resulta ser una investigación descriptiva con enfoque epistemológico. ; Ciudadanía alimentaria

Social innovation is an emerging topic, identified in the EU Strategy 2020 as one of the crucial, intangible factors required to promote smart, inclusive and sustainable growth. It provides society with a renovated role by considering it – in a time of major public budgetary constraints - an effective way of responding to social challenges through the mobilisation of people's creativity, the promotion of an innovative and learning society and the creation of the social dynamics behind technological innovations (BEPA, 2011: 7). Although it initially focused on addressing social disadvantage and exclusion in a wide range of contexts, urban more often than rural, an unambiguous definition of social innovation has not been agreed on yet (Moulaert et al. 2005; MacCallum et al. 2009). Likewise, so far only a few scholars have proposed how to interpret the concept in the rural arena (e.g. Neumeier, 2012; Bosworth et al. 2016; Bock et al. 2016). A recent proposed definition of social innovation in relation to rural areas with specific limitations in terms of geographical location and/or socio-economic conditions, comes from a 4-year research project named SIMRA (Social Innovation in Marginalised Rural Areas) and funded under the EU Horizon2020 Programme. Such proposed definition by Polman et al. (2017) states that social innovation is "the reconfiguring of social practices, in response to societal challenges, which seeks to enhance outcomes on societal well-being and necessarily includes the engagement of civil society actors". To date, a catalogue of more than 50 examples of social innovation that have been identified according to this definition, in the sectors of agriculture, forestry and rural development in marginalised rural areas in EU and extra-EU Mediterranean countries (Bryce et al. 2017), has been compiled and published online. The catalogue is neither fix nor comprehensive, rather it provides an initial overview on how large the variety of social innovation cases already implemented can be. On the one hand, social innovation is probably more widespread than reported by scientific literature and perceived by practitioners today. This may be because the concept refers de facto to a wide range of initiatives dealing with different societal challenges: from the new social uses of agricultural and forestry activities (e.g., social horticulture or social farming, nursery services in forests, forest therapy), to the creation of new networks based on public-private partnerships for the production, transformation and commercialisation of new agricultural products and services, to the involvement of migrants and refugees in the management of peri-urban green areas, to several others. On the other hand, our knowledge and understanding of social innovation and related socio-economic dynamics remains very limited. It has been already stated that a commonly accepted definition and theoretical conceptualisation are under construction. Besides, specific policy instruments are still lacking, and a method to comprehensively evaluate social innovation in terms of its effectiveness, efficiency, relevance and impacts on society, economy, environment and institutions is also not available yet. According to the SIMRA project proposal, key elements of social innovation to be evaluated are: the "trigger"; the "perceived context"; the "agency/actors" acting for change; the "reconfiguring" process of social practices (included networks, governance arrangements and attitudes); the "reconfigured" new situation that brings about a social innovation project; the "activities", "outputs" and "outcomes/impacts" of the social innovation project; the feedback loops interpreted as "learning processes". Information on these complex and multifaceted aspects can be collected at the local level by means of semi-structured and structured interviews and participatory-based events (focus groups). Both quantitative and qualitative approaches and instruments are hence combined, and this is applicable for data collection as well as for the analysis of results and reporting of findings. Accordingly, the data can then be analysed and interpreted through indicators and other advanced instruments like the Social Network Analysis. Our proposed SIMRA evaluation method is currently being tested in 10 different case studies in various EU and extra-EU Mediterranean countries. Preliminary results in terms of calculated indicators for social innovation elements are expected by January 2019. Given the current stage of the study within SIMRA, this contribution intends to stimulate the scientific discourse and the debate between the world of science and that of the stakeholders. It does this by providing ideas and opportunity for discussion, alongside possible practical solutions for an evaluation approach and a specific evaluation framework for the capturing of the multifaceted aspects of social innovation. The latter two will be explained by directly applying them to a few/three selected Italian examples that most probably will be chosen among "Cooperativa Cadore", with its SIMBIorti project (Belluno); the national network "Montagnaterapia", with its activities with disabled people; "Cooperativa di Comunità Briganti del Cerreto" (Reggio Emilia), with its multiple services to slow and rural tourism; "Rural Hub" (Frosinone), with its activity of migrants' inclusion. Despite the various methodological challenges and the high diversification and complexity of the topics to be evaluated (social innovation's process, project and impacts), we believe that our scheme paves the way for building an innovative set of methods that considers "social factors" important role in EU's future 'Rural Development Programs' and 'Agricultural research and Innovation Agenda'.

ABSTRAKTesis ini membahas tentang Implementasi Smart City (Kota Cerdas) Berdasarkan Peraturan Presiden Republik Indonesia Nomor 2 Tahun 2015 Tentang Rencana Pembangunan Jangka Menengah Nasional (RPJMN) Tahun 2015-2019 (Studi Kota Pontianak. Kesimpulan dari tesis ini bahwa syarat-syarat Smart City sebagaimana diatur dalam Peraturan Presiden Nomor 2 Tahun 2015 telah dipenuhi oleh Kota Pontianak yang harus dilakukan. Yaitu, pembangunan soft infrastrukture, hard infrastrukture dan culture. Pembangunan Soft infrastrukture dilakukan dengan menyiapkan akses atau ruang publik dengan WIFI, dan menyiapkan data digital yang bisa diakses publik. Melalui cara itu, interaksi pemerintah dan masyarakat bisa terjadi. Pembangunan hard infrastrukture dilakukan dengan menyiapkan keamanan dan kenyamanan pada berbagai fasilitas publik. Seperti, transportasi publik yang baik, penyediaan energi yang berkelanjutan, penyediaan air bersih, dan lainnya. Pembangunan budaya dilakukan dengan membiasakan masyarakat menggunakan teknologi informasi, sehingga memudahkan pelayanan melalui sistem online. Faktor-Faktor Yang Menyebutkan Kota Pontianak Belum Memenuhi Syarat-Syarat Sebagai Smart City adalah belum terpenuhui faktor yang dapat ditempuh dalam membangun Kota Pintar, yaitu Mendorong dan mengembangkan pola baru struktur kepemimpinan dan tata kelola Kota dan para pelaku usaha harus dapat bekerjasama dalam memperjuangkan konsep Smart City, Bekerjasama dengan melibatkan semua pihak. Membangun dan menggunakan infrastruktur pintar dan Mempersiapkan model pembiayaan yang mampu menjawab tantangan dan peluang ke depan. Langkah-langkah Pemerintah Kota Pontianak dalam mewujudkan Smart City yaitu dengan Proses pembangunan sebuah kota memiliki fase-fase awal pembangunan untuk menuju Smart sebagai berikut : Fase pertama, pembenahan internal pemerintah, merupakan fase dimana fokusnya adalah pembenahan kinerja pemerintah dan pembangunan infrastruktur teknologi sebagai modal dan alat untuk meningkatkan kinerja pemerintah. Dalam fase pertama penggunaan teknologi dominan dalam internal pemerintah. Fase kedua, penguatan modal sosial, fokusnya adalah untuk pendekatan sosial untuk mengembalikan kepercayaan masyarakat dan menyiapkan masyarakat untuk melek teknologi. Dalam fase kedua ini program-program pembangunan juga difokuskan untuk penanganan masalah prioritas. Fase ketiga yaitu fase pengembangan layanan eksternal pemenrintah, adalah fase yang berfokus pada penggunaan teknologi dalam pengembangan pelayanan publik. Berbagai pelayanan publik dikembangkan dengan pemanfaatan teknologi di dalamnya, setelah masyarakat mendapat edukasi teknologi sehingga menghindari urban splintering dan Fase keempat, fase pengembangan layanan kota berbasis teknologi tinggi, merupakan fase dimana fokusnya adalah pengembangan sistem-sistem dengan teknologi yang lebih tinggi dengan melihat best practice di kota atau negara lain yang juga telah mengembangkan konsep Smart City.Kata Kunci: Implementasi, Smart City, Kota Pontianak. ABSTRACTThis thesis discusses Smart City Implementation Based on Presidential Regulation No. 2 of 2015 on National Medium Term Development Plan (RPJMN) Year 2015-2019 (Pontianak City Study) The conclusion of this thesis that Smart City requirements as regulated in the Presidential Regulation No. 2 of 2015 has been fulfilled by the City of Pontianak to be done, namely the development of soft infrastructure, hard infrastructure and culture.Soft infrastructure development is done by preparing access or public space with WIFI, and prepare digital data that can be accessed by the public. the way that government and community interaction can take place Hard construction of infrastructure is carried out by preparing security and convenience in public facilities such as good public transport, sustainable energy provision, clean water supply, etc. Cultural development is done by getting people to use information technology, making it easier to service through the online system. The factors that mention Pontianak City has not met the requirements as Smart City is not yet fulfilled the factors that can be taken in building Smart City, which is Encourage and develop new patterns of leadership structure and governance of the City and business actors must be able to cooperate in fighting for the concept of Smart City, Cooperate with involving all parties. Build and use smart infrastructure and Prepare financing models that are able to answer challenges and opportunities ahead. The steps of Pontianak City Government in realizing Smart City is with the process of development of a city has the initial phases of development to the Smart as follows. The first phase, the internal government improvement, is a phase where the focus is on improving government performance and building technological infrastructure as a capital and tool for improving government performance. In the first phase the use of dominant technology within the internal government. The second phase, the strengthening of social capital, the focus is on social approaches to restore public confidence and prepare people for technology literacy. In this second phase, development programs are also focused on addressing priority issues. The third phase of the development phase of the external services of the government, is the phase that focuses on the use of technology in the development of public services. Various public services developed with the use of technology in it, after the community gets educated technology so as to avoid urban splintering and Phase four, the phase of development of high technology-based city services, is a phase where the focus is the development of systems with higher technology by looking at best practice in cities or other countries that have also developed the concept of Smart City.

Le teorie sulla nascita e lo sviluppo della città moderna sembrano concordare, senza eccezioni, su un punto: la città è il luogo di massima concentrazione dello scambio. Le attività, infatti, si insediano all'interno degli agglomerati urbani e metropolitani per minimizzare le risorse necessarie a soddisfare le crescenti necessità di relazione e di scambio con le altre attività localizzate sul territorio. Negli ultimi anni la concentrazione e la specializzazione di queste attività hanno comportato un aumento straordinario, per intensità e qualità, delle necessità di scambio, con la ovvia conseguenza di avviare alla congestione la maggior parte delle aree metropolitane con prevedibili conseguenze sulla sostenibilità delle aree urbane, sulla qualità della vita dei suoi abitanti e sui consumi energetici associati alla crescente domanda di mobilità. Come conseguenza, negli ultimi anni, diversi autori hanno sostenuto la necessità di una maggiore integrazione tra politiche di assetto urbano, gestione della mobilità ed efficientamento energetico. In tale contesto, il presente volume intende offrire un contributo in tale direzione e presenta i risultati di un progetto di ricerca, finalizzato alla messa a punto di un modello di governance integrato città-mobilità-energia. In particolare, la prima parte del lavoro è finalizzato alla definizione di un quadro conoscitivo del complesso rapporto tra mobilità, consumi energetici e ambiente costruito mediante una rassegna della letteratura scientifica più recente. In particolare, in tale sezione, vengono considerate le due principali fonti di consumo energetico in ambito urbano (il consumo energetico nel settore residenziale ed il consumo energetico dei trasporti) che costituiscono i settori di maggiore incidenza in Italia, rappresentando, secondo le più recenti stime, rispettivamente il 32% e 35% del consumo finale di energia. Vengono dunque presentate diverse caratteristiche dell'ambiente costruito quali, ad esempio, la densità, il mix funzionale o l'accessibilità e descritto come tali fattori influenzano il consumo energetico nel settore dei trasporti e nel settore residenziale. La comprensione di tali relazione risulta essere infatti di fondamentale importanza per la messa a punto di un mix coordinato di azioni finalizzate alla riduzione del consumo energetico in ambito urbano. Successivamente, vengono presentati i principali modelli presenti in letteratura per la stima dei consumi energetici residenziali e dei trasporti in ambito urbano, ponendo particolare attenzione ai punti di forza e di debolezza e di debolezza di ciascun modello, alla complessità ed agli aspetti tecnico-operativi connessi con l'implementazione di tali modelli. Nella seconda parte del lavoro viene presentato un focus sulle tecniche per la rappresentazione e la classificazione dei consumi energetici delle aree urbane, mediante una applicazione al caso studio di Napoli. Tale sezione in particolare pone particolare enfasi sulle nuove opportunità offerte dai Sistemi Informativi Geografici (GIS) e dalla crescente disponibilità di nuove fonti di dati. Il lavoro infatti integra l'utilizzo di fonti di dati "tradizionali" quali le indagini censuarie, nuove fonti di dati (in particolar modo dati aperti e big data) con analisi spaziali sviluppate ad hoc per fornire una conoscenza esaustiva dei pattern di consumo energetico all'interno del Comune di Napoli. La metodologia proposta è validata tramite il confronto dei risultati ottenuti con i dati precedentemente disponibili per l'area di studio e mediante l'implementazione di analisi statistiche di tipo spaziale in ambiente GIS. La metodologia proposta costituisce un utile strumento di supporto per decisori pubblici e policy makers per la definizione di strategie di governo integrato finalizzate alla riduzione e ottimizzazione dei consumi energetici pubblici e privati. In particolare, la metodologia descritta risulta essere utile per la classificazione e la rappresentazione dei consumi energetici a scala urbana, per l'individuazione delle problematiche energetiche presenti sul territorio e la valutazione ex post degli interventi sul sistema urbano. Infine, l'ultima parte del lavoro propone una analisi degli strumenti, delle azioni e delle best practices per la riduzione dei consumi energetici in ambito urbano. In particolar modo in tale capitolo vengono presentati gli strumenti di governo della mobilità alla scala urbana, descrivendo, per ciascuno di essi, i principali obiettivi, i contenuti e le modalità di attuazione. Vengono inoltre introdotti inoltre due nuovi strumenti di governo delle trasformazioni territoriali, il Piano Energetico Comunale ed il Piano di Azione per l'Energia Sostenibile che definiscono le politiche energetiche dei Comuni, finalizzate al raggiungimento di obiettivi di riduzione delle di gas emissioni clima-alteranti, efficientemente energetico ed impiego di fonti energetiche rinnovabili. Successivamente, viene presentata una sintesi ragionata delle azioni che i singoli Comuni possono mettere in campo per contenere i consumi energetici nel settore dei trasporti. Tali azioni sono organizzate in forma di indirizzi e criteri di azione. Gli indirizzi costituiscono orientamenti di carattere generale di governo della mobilità. I criteri di azione invece rappresentano una specificazione in chiave operativa dei primi. Infine, nell'ultima parte del capitolo vengono presentati alcuni casi di studio di interventi sulla mobilità urbana finalizzati al risparmio energetico realizzati in alcune città italiane ed europee. Si tratta di casi particolarmente rilevanti, esempi di una mobilità capace, da una parte, di ottimizzare l'uso e lo sviluppo delle risorse energetiche con interventi di risparmio dei combustibili tradizionali e di incentivazione all'utilizzo di fonti energetiche rinnovabili e, dall'altra, di rispondere alle nuove esigenze di trasporto di persone e merci in modo sicuro ed efficiente.

Le teorie sulla nascita e lo sviluppo della città moderna sembrano concordare, senza eccezioni, su un punto: la città è il luogo di massima concentrazione dello scambio. Le attività, infatti, si insediano all'interno degli agglomerati urbani e metropolitani per minimizzare le risorse necessarie a soddisfare le crescenti necessità di relazione e di scambio con le altre attività localizzate sul territorio. Negli ultimi anni la concentrazione e la specializzazione di queste attività hanno comportato un aumento straordinario, per intensità e qualità, delle necessità di scambio, con la ovvia conseguenza di avviare alla congestione la maggior parte delle aree metropolitane con prevedibili conseguenze sulla sostenibilità delle aree urbane, sulla qualità della vita dei suoi abitanti e sui consumi energetici associati alla crescente domanda di mobilità. Come conseguenza, negli ultimi anni, diversi autori hanno sostenuto la necessità di una maggiore integrazione tra politiche di assetto urbano, gestione della mobilità ed efficientamento energetico. In tale contesto, il presente volume intende offrire un contributo in tale direzione e presenta i risultati di un progetto di ricerca, finalizzato alla messa a punto di un modello di governance integrato città-mobilità-energia. In particolare, la prima parte del lavoro è finalizzato alla definizione di un quadro conoscitivo del complesso rapporto tra mobilità, consumi energetici e ambiente costruito mediante una rassegna della letteratura scientifica più recente. In particolare, in tale sezione, vengono considerate le due principali fonti di consumo energetico in ambito urbano (il consumo energetico nel settore residenziale ed il consumo energetico dei trasporti) che costituiscono i settori di maggiore incidenza in Italia, rappresentando, secondo le più recenti stime, rispettivamente il 32% e 35% del consumo finale di energia. Vengono dunque presentate diverse caratteristiche dell'ambiente costruito quali, ad esempio, la densità, il mix funzionale o l'accessibilità e descritto come tali fattori influenzano il consumo energetico nel settore dei trasporti e nel settore residenziale. La comprensione di tali relazione risulta essere infatti di fondamentale importanza per la messa a punto di un mix coordinato di azioni finalizzate alla riduzione del consumo energetico in ambito urbano. Successivamente, vengono presentati i principali modelli presenti in letteratura per la stima dei consumi energetici residenziali e dei trasporti in ambito urbano, ponendo particolare attenzione ai punti di forza e di debolezza e di debolezza di ciascun modello, alla complessità ed agli aspetti tecnico-operativi connessi con l'implementazione di tali modelli. Nella seconda parte del lavoro viene presentato un focus sulle tecniche per la rappresentazione e la classificazione dei consumi energetici delle aree urbane, mediante una applicazione al caso studio di Napoli. Tale sezione in particolare pone particolare enfasi sulle nuove opportunità offerte dai Sistemi Informativi Geografici (GIS) e dalla crescente disponibilità di nuove fonti di dati. Il lavoro infatti integra l'utilizzo di fonti di dati "tradizionali" quali le indagini censuarie, nuove fonti di dati (in particolar modo dati aperti e big data) con analisi spaziali sviluppate ad hoc per fornire una conoscenza esaustiva dei pattern di consumo energetico all'interno del Comune di Napoli. La metodologia proposta è validata tramite il confronto dei risultati ottenuti con i dati precedentemente disponibili per l'area di studio e mediante l'implementazione di analisi statistiche di tipo spaziale in ambiente GIS. La metodologia proposta costituisce un utile strumento di supporto per decisori pubblici e policy makers per la definizione di strategie di governo integrato finalizzate alla riduzione e ottimizzazione dei consumi energetici pubblici e privati. In particolare, la metodologia descritta risulta essere utile per la classificazione e la rappresentazione dei consumi energetici a scala urbana, per l'individuazione delle problematiche energetiche presenti sul territorio e la valutazione ex post degli interventi sul sistema urbano. Infine, l'ultima parte del lavoro propone una analisi degli strumenti, delle azioni e delle best practices per la riduzione dei consumi energetici in ambito urbano. In particolar modo in tale capitolo vengono presentati gli strumenti di governo della mobilità alla scala urbana, descrivendo, per ciascuno di essi, i principali obiettivi, i contenuti e le modalità di attuazione. Vengono inoltre introdotti inoltre due nuovi strumenti di governo delle trasformazioni territoriali, il Piano Energetico Comunale ed il Piano di Azione per l'Energia Sostenibile che definiscono le politiche energetiche dei Comuni, finalizzate al raggiungimento di obiettivi di riduzione delle di gas emissioni clima-alteranti, efficientemente energetico ed impiego di fonti energetiche rinnovabili. Successivamente, viene presentata una sintesi ragionata delle azioni che i singoli Comuni possono mettere in campo per contenere i consumi energetici nel settore dei trasporti. Tali azioni sono organizzate in forma di indirizzi e criteri di azione. Gli indirizzi costituiscono orientamenti di carattere generale di governo della mobilità. I criteri di azione invece rappresentano una specificazione in chiave operativa dei primi. Infine, nell'ultima parte del capitolo vengono presentati alcuni casi di studio di interventi sulla mobilità urbana finalizzati al risparmio energetico realizzati in alcune città italiane ed europee. Si tratta di casi particolarmente rilevanti, esempi di una mobilità capace, da una parte, di ottimizzare l'uso e lo sviluppo delle risorse energetiche con interventi di risparmio dei combustibili tradizionali e di incentivazione all'utilizzo di fonti energetiche rinnovabili e, dall'altra, di rispondere alle nuove esigenze di trasporto di persone e merci in modo sicuro ed efficiente.

[spa] Esta tesis doctoral trata de la relación entre la sociedad y los centros históricos Patrimonio Mundial para lograr una gestión sostenible mediante la gobernanza participativa. El estudio de caso elegido fue el centro histórico de Santa Ana de Cuenca en Ecuador, ya que ilustra las importantes tensiones entre la sociedad y los órganos de gestión del Patrimonio Mundial como resultado de las intervenciones urbanas a gran escala en estos espacios. La investigación se centra en la identificación de los aspectos que limitan la participación social en la gestión de los centros históricos Patrimonio Mundial para proponer un método alternativo. Esta propuesta interconecta, a nivel teórico, conceptual y metodológico, tres temas fundamentales: la sostenibilidad, la gobernanza participativa y la gestión del Patrimonio Mundial. Esta investigación se justifica por el hecho de que los aspectos que interesan a nuestro estudio se están discutiendo actualmente en dos campos: los estudios del patrimonio cultural, las instituciones internacionales como la UNESCO y sus entidades afiliadas. Además, también están presentes en las agendas para el desarrollo de varias ciudades, incluyendo nuestro estudio de caso. Los ejes de la investigación: sostenibilidad, gobernanza participativa y Patrimonio Mundial, se discuten a raíz del creciente énfasis en el modelo de desarrollo sostenible a nivel mundial que ha influido en la mayoría de los debates actuales centrados en la búsqueda de prácticas alternativas para lograr la sostenibilidad de las prácticas del Patrimonio Mundial. La literatura sobre el patrimonio cultural determina que su comprensión holística depende de una participación diversa y activa en su gestión. Por lo tanto, la comprensión de las relaciones que los diferentes interesados directos tienen con el patrimonio cultural es esencial para incorporarlos eficazmente a la gestión sostenible del Patrimonio Mundial, que es el principal argumento de esta investigación. La sostenibilidad implica lograr un equilibrio entre economía, sociedad y medioambiente para lograr la justicia social e intergeneracional ahora y en el futuro, lo que sólo puede lograrse mediante métodos participativos. Sin embargo, lograrlo supone un desafío que puede ser abordado desde la gobernanza participativa, que supone el desarrollo de prácticas participativas y deliberativas para lograr una verdadera democracia, cuestión que se asume en esta tesis doctoral como un aspecto fundamental para lograr la sostenibilidad. La interacción entre la sostenibilidad, la gobernanza participativa y el Patrimonio Mundial propuesta en esta investigación aparece como un aspecto fundamental a la hora de abordar la gestión del patrimonio cultural urbano teniendo en cuenta los diferentes intereses que convergen en torno a los centros históricos, haciendo de ellos escenarios de lucha en los que se cuestiona todo lo que ocurre en ellos. Dado que los significados y valores del patrimonio cultural no están vinculados a él como una cualidad inherente sino que se construyen y reinterpretan en el presente bajo ciertos intereses y posiciones, entonces la controversia es inevitable. Como no es posible escapar a ella, la intención de esta tesis doctoral no es evitar las controversias en torno al patrimonio cultural y sus poderes factuales, como se hace tradicionalmente, sino asumirlas como un instrumento eficaz para el desarrollo de prácticas participativas. Una forma de lograrlo es a través los foros híbridos, propuestos en este estudio como un procedimiento de exploración y consulta basado en la controversia. En ellos, se abordan temas de relevancia que afectan la relación entre sociedad y patrimonio desde diversos puntos de vista con el fin de, a través de la confrontación de la controversia, lograr un conocimiento colaborativa que permita alcanzar la democracia dialógica en la gestión de los centros históricos Patrimonio Mundial. ; [eng] This doctoral thesis deals with the relationship between society and World Heritage historical centres to achieve sustainable management through participatory governance. The case study chosen was the historical center of Santa Ana de Cuenca in Ecuador, as it illustrates the significant tensions between society and the World Heritage managerial bodies as a result of large-scale urban interventions in these spaces. The research focuses on identifying the aspects limiting social participation in World Heritage historic centre management to propose an alternative method. This proposal interconnects, at a theoretical, conceptual, and methodological level, three fundamental themes: sustainability, participatory governance, and World Heritage management. This research is justified by the fact that the aspects that interest our study are currently being discussed in two fields: cultural heritage studies, international institutions such as UNESCO and its affiliated entities. Moreover, they are also present in the development agendas of various cities, including our case study. Growing emphasis on the sustainable development model at the global level has influenced most of the current debates focused on finding alternative practices to attain sustainability in World Heritage practices. The literature on cultural heritage determines that its holistic understanding depends on diverse and active participation in its management. Therefore, understanding the relationships that different stakeholders have with cultural heritage is essential to effectively incorporate them into the sustainable management of World Heritage, which is the main argument of this research. One way of achieving this is through the hybrid forums proposed in this study as an exploration and consultation procedure based on controversy to reach a dialogical democracy that allow a sustainable participatory management in World Heritage historic centres.

The introduction of Christianity to the Pacific Islands has had lasting consequences for the region. Over a period of more than 200 years Christian missionaries have assimilated local cultures and their embedded value systems to construct one of the most successful processes of religious conversion and 'inculturation'1 in modem history. Today over ninety-five percent of Pacific Island populations profess allegiance to a growing number of Christian denominations. Across the region churches play an important role in the delivery of social services, catering for both the spiritual and physical needs of their respective constituents. Though heavily dependent on government funding, church-delivered services generally enjoy an excellent reputation for high standards of efficiency and dedication, particularly in cases where there is no government equivalent in a given (generally rural) locality. The relationship between church groups and states in the Pacific, as described in the constitutional and legislative frameworks of each country, is rather unidirectional in nature; religious freedom is defined mainly, though by no means entirely, through limits to state power vis-a-vis religious practice rather than how religious power can affect the state. It is for these reasons that this report recommends a consensus be developed about the respective roles of government, civil society, and other private actors in the governance of Pacific Island states. Churches in the Pacific, through their developmental roles in communities, should be treated as 'civil society actors' by way of separationism. Advocates of the separation doctrine emphasise fundamental support for the libertarian principle of freedom of religious practice. This mandates that a state should not select an official religion, ensuring that citizens are not coerced into adopting a religion favoured by the state or marginalized as to the distribution of political and economic goods and the distribution of political power. The separation doctrine is also conscious of the reflexive relationship between church and state, and the need for the state to receive a degree of protection from the influence of churches and other civil society actors. It is critical, however, that the doctrine of separation be clearly distinguished from that of secularism. Secularists identify religion in order to separate it from the domains of the state, economy and science, viewing it as a 'natural' evolutionary step towards universal morality and as a consequence of economic modernization. Separationism, in contrast, recognises that stringent neutrality between church and state is not only unachievable but also undesirable; such 'absolutism' does not take into account the diverse religious attributes of existing states and the diversity of social structures in the region. The major recommendation of this report is that a formal memorandum of understanding (MOU) be formulated to distinguish the roles of churches and states and foster a more symbiotic relationship through formal mechanisms of dialogue. A broader acknowledgement of churches as civil society actors, rather than as pseudo-governmental entities, serves to best protect the religious and civic freedoms of religious entities from state incursion; so too protecting the prescribed authority of states in acting independently of non-state entities. A formal acknowledgement of this type would serve to advance a broader governance agenda. Formal implementation of the principles of separationism would recognise that consistent reliance upon non-state actors in the delivery of key social services detracts from the state's ability to define itself, seek legitimacy and build its national capacity. This is not to say that separationism seeks to dispose with churches, nor 'dilute' their local capacity. Nor does separationism intend to 'treat churches as state employees,' or seek to circumvent or detract from the contributions made by church entities in advancing the social good. Instead, it seeks to formalise their civic and religious freedoms in terms of their rights and responsibilities as actors of' civil society.' An MOU could also lead to the development of more collaborative strategies between churches and states in key service delivery areas. This is to suggest that separationist principles should give greater impetus to reciprocal dialogue between church and state actors. Churches often have greater reach and authority in delivering social services within local communities, whereas states play a key role in funding, regulating, monitoring, designating and evaluating service delivery. Across much of the region there remain major gaps between state institutions, concentrated in the urban areas, and informal and traditional institutions, such as churches, that govern village life. Whilst the roles of churches and states are increasingly seen to differ, separationism would help foster a sense of mutual compatibility; widespread discussion of these issues between states and local communities, churches and specialist agencies would enhance the implementation and effectiveness of decisions and increase stakeholder participation. Moreover, rather than relying upon the often ambiguous constitutional and legislative freedoms pertaining to religiosity, an MOU that acknowledges the distinct yet equally valid roles of church and state would stimulate debates about a form of 'non-constitutional pluralism,' which recognises and stimulates religious diversity. This would help the region's states better manage changes to traditional social structures resulting from migration, urbanization and religious pluralism within the context of globalisation.

Kulturpolitik in Deutschland ist in erster Linie städtische Kulturpolitik, die auf städtische Infrastruktur und Nutzergruppen ausgerichtet ist. Die Spaltung kultureller Teilhabe ist deshalb neben soziodemografischen Faktoren auch regional strukturiert. Auch wenn der ländliche Raum in aktuellen kulturpolitischen Diskursen implizit eine Rolle spielt, u. a. bei den Themenfeldern Demografischer Wandel, Regionalentwicklung oder Zivilgesellschaft, werden die strukturellen und sozialen Besonderheiten dieses Raums und deren Relevanz für Kulturpolitik aber nicht explizit thematisiert. Ein starkes Gefälle zwischen den Diskursen, die Themen städtischer Kulturpolitik betreffen, und denen der Kulturpolitik für ländliche Räume kennzeichnet daher das kulturpolitische und das kulturpolitikwissenschaftliche Feld. Dennoch gibt es eine Vielzahl von Akteuren, die kulturpolitisch im ländlichen Raum aktiv sind, über deren kulturpolitisches Wirken bisher wenig bekannt ist. Diese Forschungslücke will das Forschungsvorhaben schließen. Im Rahmen einer Politikfeldanalyse wird mit Hilfe von 28 Experteninterviews das (kultur-)politische Handeln von Akteuren ländlicher Kulturpolitik im Bundesland Niedersachsen untersucht, um herauszufinden, welche Akteure mit welchen Zielen Kulturpolitik für den ländlichen Raum betreiben und ob dabei strukturelle und soziokulturelle Besonderheiten des ländlichen Raums berücksichtigt werden. Ziel der Arbeit ist es damit zum einen, eine empirisch gestützte Ortsbestimmung von Kulturpolitik in ländlichen Räumen und für ländliche Räume in Niedersachsen vorzunehmen, und zum anderen Aspekte zu identifizieren, die eine gegenstandsangemessene Kulturpolitik für den ländlichen Raum leiten können. Darüber hinaus möchte die Arbeit einen Beitrag zur Theoriebildung im Rahmen der Kulturpolitikwissenschaft leisten. Insbesondere politikwissenschaftliche Ansätze haben bisher nur vereinzelt Eingang in die Kulturpolitikforschung gefunden. Deshalb soll überprüft werden, inwiefern politikwissenschaftliche Theorien wie der akteurszentrierte Institutionalismus sowie Governance-Theorien für die Kulturpolitikforschung nutzbar gemacht werden können. Zentrales Ergebnis der Forschungsarbeit ist, dass es DEN ländlichen Raum nicht gibt und damit auch nicht DIE ländliche Kulturpolitik. Dennoch konnten spezifische kulturpolitische Handlungsfelder identifiziert werden. Zunächst muss der ländliche Raum wieder in die Lage versetzt werden, politisch handlungsfähig zu sein. Das bedeutet v. a. eine Reform der kommunalen Finanzausstattung sowie die Verbesserung der Fachlichkeit der kulturpolitisch Verantwortlichen in den Kommunen. Darüber hinaus bedarf eine zeitgemäße Kulturpolitik auf lokaler Ebene einer stärkeren Koordination sowohl zwischen Politik, Verwaltung, Institutionen und Zivilgesellschaft als auch zwischen unterschiedlichen Kommunen. Letzteres wird aber durch ein starkes Beharren der politischen Akteure auf kulturpolitischer Souveränität erschwert. Auch wenn lokal orientierte Kulturpolitik in erster Linie Aufgabe der Kommunen ist, trägt die Landespolitik, v. a. in einem Flächenland, besondere Verantwortung für die kulturelle Weiterentwicklung des ländlichen Raums, jenseits von Leuchtturmförderung. Neben der besseren finanziellen Ausstattung vorhandener kulturpolitischer Steuerungsinstrumente für den ländlichen Raum ist v. a. ein Förderinstrument notwendig, dass breitenkulturelle Akteure finanziell unterstützt und diese dabei nicht an den Maßstäben künstlerische Qualität oder Innovationspotential misst. Dafür ist es allerdings erforderlich, dass die Kulturpolitik aller Ebenen darauf verzichtet, Bildungsideale und Qualitätsstandards der Hochkultur auf die Breitenkultur zu übertragen. Eine wichtige Erkenntnis ist darüber hinaus, dass Kulturpolitik, will sie ihrem selbstgestellten Anspruch, Gesellschaftspolitik zu sein, gerecht werden, sich stärker mit anderen Politikfeldern vernetzen muss. Denn das wichtigste Kriterium für den politischen und wissenschaftlichen Diskurs über ländliche Räume ist, dass er interdisziplinär geführt werden muss. ; Cultural policy in Germany is predominantly cultural policy for cities, which is aligned on urban infrastructure and user groups. The splitting of the cultural participation is therefore next to socio-demographical factors also regionally structured. The rural area is part of the political discourses in the field of arts and culture, for example in the fields of demographical change, regional development or civil society. However, the structural and social characteristics of this region and their relevance for cultural policy were not make subject of discussion. There is a huge gap between the cultural policy for cities and rural regions. This gap is marking the field of cultural policy and the academic discourse. Nevertheless, there are many players, which are active in the political field, but their work is not much appreciated. This thesis tries to minimize this gap. Within the method of the Politikfeldanalyse done by 28 expert-interviews was the cultural policy of different players in the federal state of Lower Saxony examined. This should discover which player uses which kind of cultural policy for rural regions. The goal of this thesis is on the one hand to make an empirical pegged localization of cultural policy in rural areas and for rural areas in Lower Saxony. On the other hand it identifies aspects which could lead a responsible cultural policy for rural areas. Furthermore, this work would like to add a contribution for theory formation within the cultural policy science. So far political science was considered sporadically in the field of cultural political research. Therefore it is to examine in what extent political science theories like akteurszentrierter Institutionalismus and Governance could be used for the cultural policy research. Central conclusion of this research work is, that THE rural area doesn't exist and therefore neither ONE strategy for cultural policy in rural regions. However, it was possible to identify specific fields of actions for cultural policy. First, the rural area has to be put back in position, to act political independent. That means a reformation of local funding and an improvement of the expertise of the responsible people. Furthermore, a modern cultural policy on the local level needs a stronger coordination between politics, administration, cultural institutions and civil society as well as between the different municipalities. Especially the work between the municipalities is complicated because of a strong insistence of the political players of sovereignty. Next to the municipalities the regional policies bears special responsibility for the cultural development of the rural area – beyond supporting just the glamorous projects. First adequate funding of existing controlling tools for arts and culture in rural area is necessary. Second new tools has to be developed, which supports the players of the arts of amateurs without be measured by standards of artistic quality or innovation potential. Therefore it is necessary, that the cultural policy of every level renounces to transfer educational and quality standards of the professional arts to the arts of amateurs. Another conclusion is, that, if the cultural policy wants to be relevant for society they have to be more interlinked with other political fields. So the most important characteristic of the political and academically discourse of rural areas is that it has to be led interdisciplinary.

This report documents sri lanka's financial management systems covering budgeting, funds flow, accounting and reporting, and auditing systems. it provides insights into sri lanka's internal control systems, staffing resource capacity, and information technology structure. the intent is to give project teams and consultants a better understanding of the country's financial management systems in order to improve project preparation. find out how high-quality financial management assessments support projects by identifying key risks and enabling the implementation of appropriate actions and reforms to mitigate those risks.

The U.S. economy is on the verge of experiencing the most dramatic tax cut since the 1986 tax reform. The tax reform bill has passed Congress and President Trump has signed it into law, most of which will take effect from the start of 2018. The tax reform will not just impact the domestic economy of the United States. In its current form, it would also have substantial consequences on the global economy. This short article discusses the international implications of the tax reform, focusing its analysis on Korea.

Nepal has made notable socioeconomic progress in recent years: literacy rates have increased, poverty rates have declined, and gender disparities have narrowed. Nepal now strives to graduate to lower middle-income country status and achieve the Sustainable Development Goals by 2030. In 2017, local government elections and the fi rst-ever elections to state assemblies and the Federal Parliament marked crucial steps for the country in its transition towards federalism, as enshrined in the 2015 Constitution.

Azerbaijani foreign debt reached $9.398 billion USD, or 15.978 billion manat, on January 1st, 2018, according to the Ministry of Finance of the Republic of Azerbaijan. GDP reached 70.135 billion manat in the reporting period, leading the share of foreign debt in Azerbaijani Gross Domestic Production (GDP) to total 22.8%. According to the Ministry of Finance, foreign public debt consists of the direct obligations of the state as well as contingent liabilities emanating from sovereign guarantees. It is comprised of loans from international financial institutions to finance infrastructure projects and programmes, as well as government bonds issued to international financial markets. External public debt is predominantly attracted from the World Bank, Asian Development Bank, Islamic Development Bank, European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, Japanese International Cooperation Agency and other financial institutions to finance projects in the economy. CESD calculations show that the foreign debt of Azerbaijan is higher than the officially reported figure. Based on a survey among CESD's contacts, it can be shown that Azerbaijani real foreign debt is in the double digits of billions of dollars. That also means that the share of foreign debt in GDP is, in reality, much higher than the official figure.