Suchergebnisse

Data drawn from a study of local political participation by clergy in Indianapolis are used to examine why clergy in low-income neighborhoods are more likely to be politically active than their counterparts in other neighborhoods. Five hypotheses were tested: self-selection (politically motivated clergy choose low-income congregations); personal stake (clergy working in low-income areas are more aware of social problems & have a personal stake in improving them); membership (low-income churches have members who expect political leadership from their clergy); leadership vacuum (low-income neighborhoods have few professionals other than clergy able to assume leadership roles); & government attention (clergy in low-income neighborhoods are more likely to be asked to participate by government officials or others concerned with government actions). The results of Poisson multiple regression combined with the classic elaboration paradigm showed existence of a leadership vacuum & government attention to be particularly effective mechanisms in mobilizing urban clergy in low-income areas. Self-selection & membership also impacted the higher rate of clergy political activity but personal stake had little effect. 2 Tables. J. Lindroth

Data drawn from a study of local political participation by clergy in Indianapolis are used to examine why clergy in low-income neighborhoods are more likely to be politically active than their counterparts in other neighborhoods. Five hypotheses were tested: self-selection (politically motivated clergy choose low-income congregations); personal stake (clergy working in low-income areas are more aware of social problems & have a personal stake in improving them); membership (low-income churches have members who expect political leadership from their clergy); leadership vacuum (low-income neighborhoods have few professionals other than clergy able to assume leadership roles); & government attention (clergy in low-income neighborhoods are more likely to be asked to participate by government officials or others concerned with government actions). The results of Poisson multiple regression combined with the classic elaboration paradigm showed existence of a leadership vacuum & government attention to be particularly effective mechanisms in mobilizing urban clergy in low-income areas. Self-selection & membership also impacted the higher rate of clergy political activity but personal stake had little effect. 2 Tables. J. Lindroth

An introductory chapter looks at the impact of changing demographics in the US on urban politics & ways contemporary immigrants become incorporated in the political system. The Census Bureau estimated the foreign-born population to be 28.4 million in 2000, a 43% jump over the 1990 figure. Most recent immigrants have come from Asia or Latin America & settled in large metropolitan areas, which are the focus of the case studies presented in this volume. The multidisciplinary contributions are organized along three themes. The first section, "New Actors in Cities," looks at mechanisms that constrain the political participation of immigrants; trends toward ethnic coalition building; & differences among/within nationality groups. The middle part, "Competition and Conflict," establishes a theoretical foundation for when conflict/competition might be expected to occur & the forms it is likely to take. The final section, "Cooperation and Coalition Building," explores the combination of leadership & shared interest needed for cooperation among urban ethnic/racial groups. A synopsis of each article is included. 1 Table, 2 Figures, 26 References. J. Lindroth

An introductory chapter looks at the impact of changing demographics in the US on urban politics & ways contemporary immigrants become incorporated in the political system. The Census Bureau estimated the foreign-born population to be 28.4 million in 2000, a 43% jump over the 1990 figure. Most recent immigrants have come from Asia or Latin America & settled in large metropolitan areas, which are the focus of the case studies presented in this volume. The multidisciplinary contributions are organized along three themes. The first section, "New Actors in Cities," looks at mechanisms that constrain the political participation of immigrants; trends toward ethnic coalition building; & differences among/within nationality groups. The middle part, "Competition and Conflict," establishes a theoretical foundation for when conflict/competition might be expected to occur & the forms it is likely to take. The final section, "Cooperation and Coalition Building," explores the combination of leadership & shared interest needed for cooperation among urban ethnic/racial groups. A synopsis of each article is included. 1 Table, 2 Figures, 26 References. J. Lindroth

Focuses on Latino-Jewish dynamics in Los Angeles to contend that, although shared political interests are the basis for interethnic/interracial coalitions, each group's perceptions of its immediate interests, as well as the ability of leaders to push them forward, can strengthen or shatter a coalition. The impact of demographic changes on urban politics is examined, along with the common belief that Latinos & Jews constitute a new moderate alliance in big-city politics that was demonstrated by their joint support for mayoral candidates opposed by African Americans in both New York & Los Angeles. Nonetheless, it is argued that there is little evidence of a Latino-Jewish coalition in Los Angeles because of vast differences between the two groups in terms of socioeconomic status & role in the civic culture. The implications for a theory of interracial coalition are discussed, noting that ideology & interest are not enough for coalition building. Rather, outcomes of interracial coalitions are largely shaped & influenced by leadership & the degree of trust that develops at the leadership level. 1 Table, 24 References. J. Lindroth

Focuses on Latino-Jewish dynamics in Los Angeles to contend that, although shared political interests are the basis for interethnic/interracial coalitions, each group's perceptions of its immediate interests, as well as the ability of leaders to push them forward, can strengthen or shatter a coalition. The impact of demographic changes on urban politics is examined, along with the common belief that Latinos & Jews constitute a new moderate alliance in big-city politics that was demonstrated by their joint support for mayoral candidates opposed by African Americans in both New York & Los Angeles. Nonetheless, it is argued that there is little evidence of a Latino-Jewish coalition in Los Angeles because of vast differences between the two groups in terms of socioeconomic status & role in the civic culture. The implications for a theory of interracial coalition are discussed, noting that ideology & interest are not enough for coalition building. Rather, outcomes of interracial coalitions are largely shaped & influenced by leadership & the degree of trust that develops at the leadership level. 1 Table, 24 References. J. Lindroth

Provides an ethnographic account of life for young fast-food workers in Oakland, CA, at the low end of the labor market. While fast-food jobs were expected to lead workers into meaningful employment, the teamwork & negotiating skills acquired by youthful workers have not been valued, & employers have failed to offer growth opportunities. Such jobs are seen as dead-end by employers in other sectors as well as by fast-food managers themselves. The study found that African American applicants were rejected at higher rates than Latino & Asian workers & that African American workers who graduated or dropped out of school had difficulty in obtaining daytime or weekday assignments, essentially leaving them out of the management track. By following the experience of one young female fast-food worker, the author demonstrates how true opportunities for leadership skill development were missed in the juggling of school, work, & social life, leaving these ambitious teenagers "marooned & in exile in urban America.". L. A. Hoffman