Suchergebnisse

Data drawn from a study of local political participation by clergy in Indianapolis are used to examine why clergy in low-income neighborhoods are more likely to be politically active than their counterparts in other neighborhoods. Five hypotheses were tested: self-selection (politically motivated clergy choose low-income congregations); personal stake (clergy working in low-income areas are more aware of social problems & have a personal stake in improving them); membership (low-income churches have members who expect political leadership from their clergy); leadership vacuum (low-income neighborhoods have few professionals other than clergy able to assume leadership roles); & government attention (clergy in low-income neighborhoods are more likely to be asked to participate by government officials or others concerned with government actions). The results of Poisson multiple regression combined with the classic elaboration paradigm showed existence of a leadership vacuum & government attention to be particularly effective mechanisms in mobilizing urban clergy in low-income areas. Self-selection & membership also impacted the higher rate of clergy political activity but personal stake had little effect. 2 Tables. J. Lindroth

Data drawn from a study of local political participation by clergy in Indianapolis are used to examine why clergy in low-income neighborhoods are more likely to be politically active than their counterparts in other neighborhoods. Five hypotheses were tested: self-selection (politically motivated clergy choose low-income congregations); personal stake (clergy working in low-income areas are more aware of social problems & have a personal stake in improving them); membership (low-income churches have members who expect political leadership from their clergy); leadership vacuum (low-income neighborhoods have few professionals other than clergy able to assume leadership roles); & government attention (clergy in low-income neighborhoods are more likely to be asked to participate by government officials or others concerned with government actions). The results of Poisson multiple regression combined with the classic elaboration paradigm showed existence of a leadership vacuum & government attention to be particularly effective mechanisms in mobilizing urban clergy in low-income areas. Self-selection & membership also impacted the higher rate of clergy political activity but personal stake had little effect. 2 Tables. J. Lindroth

Lokalpolitische Ansichten, Ortsverbundenheit, Sozialstruktur und
Mitgliedschaften der lokalen Elite in einer Kleinstadt.

Themen: Wichtigste lokalpolitische Aufgaben; Koalitionsstruktur in der
politischen Führung; Kontakte zu einflußreichen Personen und Gruppen in
der Gemeinde; eigener Einfluß auf das lokale politische Geschehen;
Rücksichtnahme der Parteien auf Interessengruppen; Konfliktwahrnehmung;
eigene Einstellung und vermutete Einstellungen von Gruppen und Personen
zur kommunalen Neuordnung, zur Gemeinschaftsschule, zu
Industrieansiedlungen und zu kommunalen Investitionen; zeitliche
Aufwendungen für Gemeindeangelegenheiten; Selbstcharakterisierung und
Charakterisierung der lokalen Elite; Ortsverbundenheit; Ortsansässigkeit
und regionale Herkunft; Stellung im Betrieb; Mitgliedschaft in Vereinen,
Organisationen und Ausschüssen; innegehabte Ämter und Ehrenämter;
Parteimitgliedschaft und Parteipräferenz.

Skalen: Zufriedenheit mit dem Gemeindeleben und Wertorientierung.

Demographie: Alter (klassiert); Familienstand; Kinderzahl; Alter der
Kinder (klassiert); Konfession; Schulbildung; Beruf; berufliche
Position; soziale Herkunft.

An introductory chapter looks at the impact of changing demographics in the US on urban politics & ways contemporary immigrants become incorporated in the political system. The Census Bureau estimated the foreign-born population to be 28.4 million in 2000, a 43% jump over the 1990 figure. Most recent immigrants have come from Asia or Latin America & settled in large metropolitan areas, which are the focus of the case studies presented in this volume. The multidisciplinary contributions are organized along three themes. The first section, "New Actors in Cities," looks at mechanisms that constrain the political participation of immigrants; trends toward ethnic coalition building; & differences among/within nationality groups. The middle part, "Competition and Conflict," establishes a theoretical foundation for when conflict/competition might be expected to occur & the forms it is likely to take. The final section, "Cooperation and Coalition Building," explores the combination of leadership & shared interest needed for cooperation among urban ethnic/racial groups. A synopsis of each article is included. 1 Table, 2 Figures, 26 References. J. Lindroth

An introductory chapter looks at the impact of changing demographics in the US on urban politics & ways contemporary immigrants become incorporated in the political system. The Census Bureau estimated the foreign-born population to be 28.4 million in 2000, a 43% jump over the 1990 figure. Most recent immigrants have come from Asia or Latin America & settled in large metropolitan areas, which are the focus of the case studies presented in this volume. The multidisciplinary contributions are organized along three themes. The first section, "New Actors in Cities," looks at mechanisms that constrain the political participation of immigrants; trends toward ethnic coalition building; & differences among/within nationality groups. The middle part, "Competition and Conflict," establishes a theoretical foundation for when conflict/competition might be expected to occur & the forms it is likely to take. The final section, "Cooperation and Coalition Building," explores the combination of leadership & shared interest needed for cooperation among urban ethnic/racial groups. A synopsis of each article is included. 1 Table, 2 Figures, 26 References. J. Lindroth

Lokalpolitische Ansichten, Einflußmöglichkeiten, Machtverhältnisse und
kommunikatives Netzwerk der lokalen Elite in Reutlingen.

Themen: Wichtigkeit lokaler Streitfragen; Beurteilung des autonomen
Entscheidungsspielraums der Stadt und der wirksamsten
Interessenverbände; Identifikation von Interessengruppen in der Stadt;
Rücksichtnahme der Parteien auf bestimmte Gruppierungen; Nennung der
Person mit dem größten Einfluß und der größten Macht in der Stadt;
private und geschäftliche Kommunikationspartner; Freundschaften;
Mitgliedschaften und übernommene Ämter; wichtigste Hilfsmittel zur
Erreichung lokalen Einflusses; Beurteilung einer Reihe von lokalen
Issues wie z. B. Oberbürgermeisterwahl, Jugendzentrum, Errichtung eines
Industriegebiets und Mitbestimmung bei den Stadtwerken; eigene
Beteiligung an lokalpolitischen Entscheidungsprozessen und
Identifikation der beteiligten Gruppen; politische und ideologische
Ausrichtung des Befragten; Demokratieverständnis; Einstellung zu
Kernkraftwerken und zur Marktwirtschaft.

Demographie: Regionale und soziale Herkunft; Parteimitgliedschaft;
Parteipräferenz; Wahlverhalten bei der letzten
Oberbürgermeisterwahl; Alter; Geschlecht; Konfession; Schulbildung;
Beruf; Bundesland; innegehabte und innehabende Ämter; Mitgliedschaften.

Interviewerrating: Interviewdauer.

Focuses on Latino-Jewish dynamics in Los Angeles to contend that, although shared political interests are the basis for interethnic/interracial coalitions, each group's perceptions of its immediate interests, as well as the ability of leaders to push them forward, can strengthen or shatter a coalition. The impact of demographic changes on urban politics is examined, along with the common belief that Latinos & Jews constitute a new moderate alliance in big-city politics that was demonstrated by their joint support for mayoral candidates opposed by African Americans in both New York & Los Angeles. Nonetheless, it is argued that there is little evidence of a Latino-Jewish coalition in Los Angeles because of vast differences between the two groups in terms of socioeconomic status & role in the civic culture. The implications for a theory of interracial coalition are discussed, noting that ideology & interest are not enough for coalition building. Rather, outcomes of interracial coalitions are largely shaped & influenced by leadership & the degree of trust that develops at the leadership level. 1 Table, 24 References. J. Lindroth

Focuses on Latino-Jewish dynamics in Los Angeles to contend that, although shared political interests are the basis for interethnic/interracial coalitions, each group's perceptions of its immediate interests, as well as the ability of leaders to push them forward, can strengthen or shatter a coalition. The impact of demographic changes on urban politics is examined, along with the common belief that Latinos & Jews constitute a new moderate alliance in big-city politics that was demonstrated by their joint support for mayoral candidates opposed by African Americans in both New York & Los Angeles. Nonetheless, it is argued that there is little evidence of a Latino-Jewish coalition in Los Angeles because of vast differences between the two groups in terms of socioeconomic status & role in the civic culture. The implications for a theory of interracial coalition are discussed, noting that ideology & interest are not enough for coalition building. Rather, outcomes of interracial coalitions are largely shaped & influenced by leadership & the degree of trust that develops at the leadership level. 1 Table, 24 References. J. Lindroth

Provides an ethnographic account of life for young fast-food workers in Oakland, CA, at the low end of the labor market. While fast-food jobs were expected to lead workers into meaningful employment, the teamwork & negotiating skills acquired by youthful workers have not been valued, & employers have failed to offer growth opportunities. Such jobs are seen as dead-end by employers in other sectors as well as by fast-food managers themselves. The study found that African American applicants were rejected at higher rates than Latino & Asian workers & that African American workers who graduated or dropped out of school had difficulty in obtaining daytime or weekday assignments, essentially leaving them out of the management track. By following the experience of one young female fast-food worker, the author demonstrates how true opportunities for leadership skill development were missed in the juggling of school, work, & social life, leaving these ambitious teenagers "marooned & in exile in urban America.". L. A. Hoffman

The European Union represents today a macro-regional structure with unique characteristics in the world, which has enough power to globally promote its economic interests, but encounters problems at political level regarding the capacity to exercise leadership.
At EU level, cross-border cooperation was discussed only in 1980, under the European Framework Convention on Cross-Border Cooperation of Territorial Communities or Authorities, signed in Madrid on 21 May 1980 (European Framework Convention on Cross-Border Cooperation). In doing so, the Council of Europe seeks to ensure the participation of Europe's local authorities or territorial authorities in cooperating with local authorities or territorial authorities on issues such as regional, urban and rural development, environmental protection, improving infrastructure and services for citizens and helping each other. Considering that experience has shown that the co-operation of Europe's local and regional powers is such as
to enable them to better fulfill their mission, that it is particularly likely to contribute to the development and development of frontier regions, which are determined to promote this cooperation as much as possible and thus contribute to the economic and social progress of border regions and to the solidarity that unites the peoples of Europe (European Framework Convention on Cross-Border Cooperation). If we talk about regionalization, cross-border cooperation, development and integration of Central and Eastern European states, we must refer to the major role that Romania plays in this context. EU Member State since 2007, our country has gone through all the stages from marginalization to membership without difficulty. Entry was the latest and most momentous stage in the country's involvement in the process of European integration .

In diesem Beitrag gehen die Autoren für zwei städtische höhere Bildungsregionen der Frage nach, in welcher Weise sich Schulleiter "exklusiver" Gymnasien zu Begriffen wie Elite, Exzellenz und damit zu distinktiven Besonderungen im Bildungswesen im Horizont öffentlicher Diskurse um Elite und Exzellenz positionieren. Dabei werden vier unterschiedliche Modi der Auseinandersetzung mit dem Elitebegriff rekonstruiert. Über alle Modi hinweg - selbst noch für die am deutlichsten affirmativen Bezüge - zeigt sich, dass der Elitebegriff für "exklusive" Gymnasien prekär situiert und mit einem erheblichen Legitimationsbedarf verbunden ist. Unproblematisch ist es demgegenüber sich auf ein meritokratisches Elitekonzept von funktionalen Leistungs- und Verantwortungseliten im Sinne der Exzellenz zu beziehen. Eine Verbindung der höheren Schulen mit Macht-, Geld- und Wirtschaftelite erscheint demgegenüber hoch problematisch und wird vehement zurückgewiesen. Diese deutliche Zurückweisung erfolgt - so die These des Beitrags - weil dadurch die hegemoniale schulische Legitimationsfigur der Meritokratie im Kern bedroht wäre. (DIPF/Orig.).;;;Looking at two urban higher education regions, in this paper the authors investigate the question of which positions head teachers of "exclusive" German gymnasiums adopt with regard to concepts such as 'elite', 'excellence' and thus also to schools' attempts to distinguish their own profiles in the education system, all the while bearing in mind the context of public discourses about 'elite' and 'excellence'. In doing so, the authors reconstruct four modes of dealing with the elite concept. All of these modes-even the most positive references-show that for "exclusive" German Gymnasiums the term 'elite' is precariously situated, associated as it is with a considerable need for legitimation. By contrast, it is not problematic to refer to a meritocratic elite concept that involves functional academic and leadership elites in the sense of excellence. On the other hand, any association of these upper secondary schools with power, financial and business elites does seem highly problematic and is vehemently rejected. This clear rejection occurs-and this is the central thesis of this article-because otherwise meritocracy itself, as the hegemonic academic form of legitimation, would be threatened to its very core. (DIPF/Orig.).