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'The Urban Roots of Democracy and Political Violence in Zimbabwe' details a democratic tradition developed in the 1940s and 1950s, and a movement that would fall victim to an increasingly elitist and divisive political culture by the 1960s. Providing biographical sketches of key personalities within the genealogy of nationalist politics, Timothy Scarnecchia weaves an intricate narrative that traces the trajectories of earlier democratic traditions in Zimbabwe, including women's political movements, township organizations, and trade unions. This work suggests that intense rivalries for control of the nationalist leadership after 1960, the 'sell-out' politics of that period, and Cold War funding for rival groups contributed to a unique political impasse, ultimately resulting in the largely autocratic and violent political state today. The author further proposes that this recourse to political violence, 'top-down' nationalism, and the abandonment of urban democratic traditions are all hallmarks of a particular type of nationalism equally unsustainable in Zimbabwe then as it is now. Timothy Scarnecchia is assistant professor of African history at Kent State University in Kent, Ohio

Community gardens have emerged as community development initiatives with proven environmental, social, and public health benefits. While many studies evaluate the benefits of community gardens, fewer studies evaluate the success and failure of gardens, especially in China. This research uses four case studies of state-sponsored community gardens in Beijing and Shanghai to analyze social and organizational factors that help and hinder the success of community gardens. Factors impacting success are multi-faceted and interactive, and relations between residents and local government staff determine success throughout different development stages. In the design stage, the involvement of residents and their vision are important to success. In the maintenance stage, the leadership of key actors, including Residents' Committee staff and volunteers, residents' preparedness for self-governance, and external recognition are the most significant factors. The findings corroborate literature on factors of community gardens' success while contributing new insights about the organization and governance of community gardens in the context of a top-down political system.

Research reveals that zero-tolerance policies lead to school suspensions of a disproportionate number of African American students in urban areas (Center for Civil [CCRR], 2015). Suspensions increase student failure rates and dropout likelihood and reduce the ability to graduate on time (Skiba, Arrendondo, & Williams, 2014). Studies have also shown that African American students are suspended three times more than their White American peers and two times more than their Latino American peers (CCRR, 2015). This has impelled federal and local government agencies, community organizations, and educators to question the effectiveness of punitive discipline policies that have marginalized black and brown students (Anderson & Ritter, 2017; CCRR, 2015). This self-study's purpose was to discover my role and impact as a superintendent while addressing punitive discipline practices. At Johnson School (pseudonym), out-of-school suspension is the primary consequence of student infractions, resulting in 43% of students suspended at least once during the 2015-2016 year and a suspension rate 500% greater than that of Indiana (Indiana Department, 2017a). I addressed the punitive discipline issues at Johnson School by changing school policies, analyzing discipline data, providing professional development, and modeling restorative practices. By addressing the exclusionary discipline issues, I emerged as a courageous and transformative leader. Courageous and transformative leadership are essential characteristics required to tackle the concerns of equity and justice in public education. These research findings were used to create the Framework for Courageous and Transformative Educational Leaders (CTEL), which supports district and school leaders in addressing issues of equity and justice.

Understanding the dynamic interplaying between urban violence and fragility and a countries' economic potential will be key to boosting development in most African countries. As a first step to tackle this challenge, a multi-country study undertook a comparative research process, which identifies common trends across Sub-Saharan Africa in order to facilitate the identification of mechanisms through which urban fragility and violence prevention could be further integrated into the development process of African countries. Research and pilot activities were undertaken in one country of each of the three sub-regions in the continent. In all the countries included, the analytical work focused on understanding dynamics of crime and violence in selected urban areas and existing institutional (formal and informal) responses to crime and violence, so as to further the World Bank understanding on how to best address urban fragility and foster local resilience while putting the building blocks to define an urban fragility agenda in the Sub-Saharan African region. This report gives an overview of this multi-country study.

Congressional enactment of the Enforcement Acts in 1870 and 1871 marked an unprecedented federalization of voting rights. The various election laws aimed to make real the promise of the recently enacted Fourteenth and Fifteenth amendments to the constitution. A complex duality characterized this new departure in the constitutional understanding of democratic suffrage. On one hand, Republican leadership looked to secure the rights of freedmen in the Reconstruction-era South. At the same time, from the outset, northern Republicans strategically worked to strengthen the party in all regions with a particular interest in urban America. From the immediate postwar years down to the early 1890s, congressional committees regularly investigated the problematic and deeply partisan politics of enforcement. Often, House and Senate investigators were more concerned with developments in northern cities than with the state of African American voting across the rural South. This urban story of the consequences of constitutional revision illuminates the often-obscured national dimensions of Reconstruction and its aftermath, while also alerting us to shifting visions of the vote across the final third of the nineteenth century. This essay explores this nationalization of Reconstruction in the wake of the Fifteenth Amendment's enactment by first documenting the central place of New York City in the emerging postbellum electoral regime and then expanding out from Manhattan to look at broader patterns of urban experience with enforcement.

Using 85 qualitative interviews collected in three low-income Philadelphia neighborhoods as part of the Manpower Demonstration Research Corporation's (MDRC) Project on Devolution and Urban Change, nonprofit directors and poor residents' views of neighborhood problems, other residents, and services needed were examined. In doing so, the assumption that local nonprofit leadership is in touch with the resident population that they serve was questioned. Nonprofit directors described neighborhood problems related to unemployment and education, whereas residents focused on crime and safety issues. Both groups agreed that drugs were a major problem in the community. Additionally, the resident group conveyed a more negative view of other neighborhood residents than the nonprofit directors did. Lastly, nonprofit directors wanted to add job placement and training services, whereas residents wanted to add youth programs. Overall, nonprofit directors across neighborhoods held more similar views with each other than they did with residents within their own communities.

Intro -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- Contents -- Chapter 1: Asian Program for Incubation of Environmental Leaders -- 1.1 Introduction -- 1.2 Core Concepts -- 1.2.1 Characteristics of APIEL -- 1.2.2 Environmental Leadership -- 1.2.3 Resonance -- 1.2.3.1 Interdisciplinary Resonance -- 1.2.3.2 Interregional Resonance -- 1.2.3.3 Alumni Resonance -- 1.3 Curriculum Structure of APIEL -- 1.3.1 Environmental Challenges and Leadership in Asia: Understanding Environmental Leadership -- 1.3.2 Field Exercises: Developing Essential Skills for Environmental Field Sites -- 1.3.3 Elective Courses: Enabling Interdisciplinary and Specialized Approaches -- 1.3.3.1 Graduate Program in Sustainability Science (GPSS) -- 1.3.3.2 Department of Urban Engineering (UE) -- 1.4 Requirements for Completing the Program -- Reference -- Chapter 2: The Concept of Environmental Leader -- 2.1 Discourse on Environmental Leadership1 -- 2.1.1 History of Environmental Education and the Need for Environmental Leaders -- 2.1.2 Evolution of Environmental Leadership Over Time and Space -- 2.1.3 Becoming an Environmental Leader -- 2.2 Exercising Collective Leadership to Find Solutions for Global Environmental Issues2 -- 2.2.1 Introduction -- 2.2.2 Experiences in the Heihe River Basin -- 2.2.3 Collective Leadership for Finding Solutions for Environmental Problems: A Personal View -- 2.3 Required and Expected Abilities and Skills for Environmental Leaders in Asia7 -- 2.3.1 Environmental Problems and the Need for Environmental Leaders in Asia -- 2.3.2 Essential Elements of Environmental Leaders -- 2.3.3 Education Experience During APIEL Thailand Unit 2012 -- 2.4 Strong Leadership in a Task Force After the Tsunami8 -- 2.4.1 Background -- 2.4.2 Key to Success: Integration of Multi-Stakeholders -- 2.4.3 Key to Success: Application of Scientific Knowledge -- References.

Owners and municipalities face the choice to renovate or rebuild buildings in order to improve energy efficiency and sustainability. The process of upgrading the existing building stock can be supported by land management tools, i.e., municipal energy plans (MEP) or sustainable building codes (BC), that municipalities use to plan, check and monitor actions taken. Many local and regional authorities are involved in the Covenant of Mayors supported by the European Union (EU): the sustainable energy action plan (SEAP) is the key document in which the Covenant signatory outlines how it intends to reach CO2 reduction target by 2020. Sustainability at the urban scale is also supported by voluntary certification schemes such as Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design (LEED)® for neighbourhood development proposed by the United States Green Building Council (USGBC), Building Research Establishment Environmental Assessment Method (BREEAM) Communities proposed by UK Building Research Establishment (BRE) and Comprehensive Assessment System for Built Environment Efficiency (CASBEE) for Urban Development proposed by the Japan GreenBuild Council. The fact that there are so many tools to manage urban sustainability is positive, but what happens when multiple tools are applied to the same territory? Overlap, redundancy, and conflicts in management may be critical elements. The purpose of this article is to analyze these critical issues, highlighting the elements of integration and possible synergies for effective management of sustainability at the local level.

Violence against women is a universal epidemic. It does not discriminate between age, income, ethnicity or religion. One in three women worldwide will experience violence in their lifetime. Despite the monolithic universality of the problem at the global level, the lived experience of being violently abused in the workplace, public spaces or the home is intensely personal. This tension between the particularity of local manifestations of violence against women and the overwhelming prevalence of the issue worldwide confounds traditional aid interventions. Navigating between the local and the global provokes questions about management and governance in aid. Should development be 'top-down' or 'bottom-up'? How can local custom and tradition be reconciled with a 'universal' human rights approach to aid? How do we target an individual's specific encounter with violence, while developing models of aid and assistance that can be replicated on a wider scale? This report seeks to determine how comprehensive the nascent UN Women Safe Cities for Women and Girls Global Programme (2008-2015) will be in addressing key factors contributing to gender-based violence in urban settlements. The 'Port Moresby: A Safer City for Women' pilot initiative (as an intervention representative of the Global Programme) is examined through the conceptual lens of governance, focusing on those aspects pertinent to the Global Safe Cities Programme: human security, spatial governmentality, active citizenship and multi-stakeholder aid interventions. The Safe Cities Global Programme is a promising initiative born from successful, smaller 'Safe City' interventions in Latin America and the Caribbean. Its approach to reducing violence against women and girls in urban areas is holistic and recognizes how gender intersects with all areas of human development; ending violence against women and girls is viewed in relation to women's increased access to decision-making, economic opportunity and basic social services such as education, health and sanitation. The Global Programme will be piloted in five cities: Port Moresby (Papua New Guinea), Kigali (Rwanda), Quito (Ecuador), New Delhi (India) and Cairo (Egypt). The 'Port Moresby: A Safer City for Women' pilot initiative is a timely intervention into the situation of women in Papua New Guinea. Violence, poor governance and corruption have plagued the country since its Independence from an Australian-administered UN Trusteeship in 1975. Although rich in natural resources, Papua New Guinea has experienced little economic growth and its citizens suffer from the poverty of opportunities the country offers. Yet Papua New Guinea is at the cusp of a period of potentially radical change. The threat of the raskol gangs, which terrorized Port Moresby in the 1980s, has diminished and the current government includes leaders committed to promoting gender equality and bringing about social reform. Given the extent to which genderbased violence is often embedded in a culture or society, any intervention seeking to target the issue requires significant backing from the relevant government. 'Port Moresby: A Safer City for Women' hopes to capitalize on this period of trustworthy leadership in the government. Additionally, Port Moresby will benefit from the discovery of significant deposits of Liquid Natural Gas in the region and the construction of the Exxon Mobil pipeline to Australia, with increased infrastructure already being built, greater employment opportunities available and substantial foreign financial investment in the country. 'Port Moresby: A Safer City for Women' seeks to capitalize on this opportunity for social and economic change. The programme uses two marketplaces as entry-points for reducing violence against women in the city and promoting women's active citizenship through their empowerment in the markets. Still, there are gaps in the initiative. Understanding 'women's rights' as 'human rights' requires that 'women's insecurity' also be viewed as a broader concern of 'human insecurity'. Although the Global Programme is a holistic model, acknowledging how gender issues intersect with all areas of human development, it needs to expand its definition of violence in order to recognize the diversity of violence experienced by women. The Impact Evaluation module proposed for the 'Port Moresby: A Safer City for Women' programme does not sufficiently account for women's experiences of structural and psychological violence, which are enacted over long periods of time and resist quantitative analysis. Inadequate infrastructure such as poor lighting, roads, buildings and a lack of cheap overnight accommodation and storage near marketplaces contribute to a hostile urban environment for citizens and women in particular. While 'Port Moresby: A Safer City for Women' aims to improve market infrastructure, it fails to address the needs of rural women participating in the urban informal economy and the risks they face in order to do so. The marketplace does not exist in isolation. It is necessary to acknowledge the relationship between urban and rural environments and how the poverty of rural women forces their participation in the urban informal economy. Additionally, the Global Programme focuses on the prevention of violence rather than the provision of support for victims. Yet this focus is at odds with the initiative's framework of women's active citizenship. In line with the Global Programme's holistic approach to reducing violence against women, the establishment of safe houses for victims should be included as a key component of the model, with the aim of providing support to women disempowered by their experiences of violence. A major component of the Global Programme is its high level of engagement with civil society. The need to engage civil society organizations for effective aid and development work is widely acknowledged. Multistakeholder interventions allow for a variety of actors to collaborate on a shared issue, fostering local to global networks, knowledge-sharing and a comprehensive approach to aid and development. Given the numerous actors involved in 'Port Moresby: A Safer City for Women', it is crucial that the programme develop a long-term strategy for maintaining strong and sustainable working relationships between stakeholders throughoutanticipated transitional periods, such as local elections in 2012. The 'Port Moresby: A Safer City for Women' pilot initiative is an exciting opportunity for increased Australian participation in the struggle to end violence against women and girls in Melanesia. Already the primary donor to Papua New Guinea, Australia is committed to being involved in 'Port Moresby: A Safer City for Women', although to what extent is unclear. The Port Moresby programme is lacking reliable and long-term core funding and would benefit from direct financial investment from AusAID. However, Australian involvement in 'Port Moresby: A Safer City for Women' requires that AusAID improve on current work practice in relation to civil society. Despite a long history of using Papua New Guinean churches, in particular, and other civil society organizations as service providers, AusAID is yet to articulate a clear strategy for engaging with civil society. Participation in a multi-stakeholder intervention of this sort demands that AusAID's policy on working with civil society organizations be transparent and formally established. Given AusAID's intention to make ending violence against women and girls a strategic priority in their aid and development work and their lack of any significant action on this objective to date, it is recommended that AusAID adopt the Safe Cities Free of Violence for Women and Girls Global Programme as a framework for aid interventions targeting violence against women and girls in the Pacific region. Despite gaps in the initiative, the nascent Global Programme is a promising venture that should lead to a significant reduction in violence against women and girls in urban areas within a short timeframe.

AbstractThe issue of urban‐rural integrated development is a focus topic in China in academic and applied research. There is value in recognizing the formation of an urban‐rural dual structure and in finding the causes of regional differences. Because Jiangsu is the central province in the coastal areas of eastern China, urban‐rural integrated development in Jiangsu is an essential requirement for building a prosperous society and for ensuring the province's leadership role in accomplishing modernization. In this paper, the evaluation index system of Jiangsu province is assumed. The urban‐rural integrated development level in the study area is measured by exploratory spatial data analysis, Markov chain and the principal component analysis method. The measured value is classified into higher, high, medium and low ranks. Next, the evolutionary characteristics of spatial and temporal patterns and the driving mechanism are explored. Spatial distribution of the urban‐rural integrated development levels in Jiangsu province indicates that counties with higher levels are centred in southern Jiangsu and counties with high levels are located around the edge of higher level counties, signifying the spatial distribution of 'core‐periphery'. The urban‐rural integrated development levels appear to decrease from south to north. Counties with similar development levels tend toward spatial agglomeration. During the study period, the urban‐rural integrated development levels of most counties improved to some degree. The directional distribution of polarization between areas with higher and low levels of development tends to diminish. Economic power, economic structure and information technology applications are the three major factors that exercise great influence over the spatial and temporal evolution of urban‐rural integrated development levels in Jiangsu province.

Immigrant associations known commonly ashuiguanhave long been a research area among specialists on the Overseas Chinese. Recently, the same subject has attracted increasing attention among scholars who attempt to examine urban life in late imperial China. In either case, the existing historical literature seems to have focused on the two following aspects of huiguan development: the various principles of organizational formation such as common native place, surname, occupation and the new locational identity, and how they interacted with one another and shaped the community structure; the functional relevance of huiguan firstly to the various needs of the immigrant society and the local elite, and secondly to the overriding concerns of the ruling authority, be it the Chinese imperial bureaucracy or the governing authorities in a foreign settlement. Yet few attempts have been made to delineate the longitudinal evolution of these associations over an extended period in any single locale, and above all, to provide an analytical framework to decipher the complex interplay of different forces behind organizational changes. Relying primarily on Chinese newspapers, huiguan archives and publications in Singapore,3 this paper represents a very preliminary effort along both lines. After a brief background discussion on the nineteenth century, I will try to document closely several significant features in the development of Chinese huiguan in Singapore between the turn of the century and the beginning of the Pacific War. The main thrust here is to demonstrate the possibility of going beyond number games, that pay too much attention to organizational inventory, to examine more substantive issues such as changes in organizational forms, the revamping of institutional set-ups, leadership turnover and varying functional priorities. Then the following section will seek to account for these organizational metamorphoses. It will be argued that our explanatory paradigm should at least consist of three categories of factors: domestic forces associated with community evolution; the impact of the host society; and influences emanating from China and particularly the native area.

Political decision-makers need to consider the various challenges and opportunities that climate change can bring, and they must take decisions under high uncertainty to achieve resilient cities. Here, we synthesise the push and pull approaches reported in the literature and employed in practice to achieve sustainable and resilient cities. First, we present a literature review which identified the major research fields on transition theories, frameworks and methods that underpin this concept. We analyse the conditions for change, identify enablers or triggers for change at governance level for transitioning a city towards sustainability and resilience. We discuss the theories, frameworks and methods which can be used to address the urban climate change challenge at city level. Second, we present an empirical approach based on stakeholder participation that we conducted to detect the conditions for change. We report on the design and implementation of stakeholder exercises that helped us detecting the conditions for changes. Third, we combine the information obtained from these stakeholder exercises with that extracted from the literature in order to provide a fuller picture on how stimulate the transition and transformation to achieve sustainable and resilient cities. Based on our literature review and empirical approach, we formulate an integrated conceptual model for transition that enables the design of adaptation (and mitigation) strategies that consider the triggers of change. Uniquely we identified 8 triggers of change, including authority and political leadership, learning from disasters, co-responsibility, increased public-private interface, social participation and the living lab approach to innovation. The proposed model can be applied to the whole city or to a certain sector of the city (e.g. energy). We demonstrate that triggers of change help to overcome planning and implementation barriers and move the socio-ecological and socio-technical systems of any city towards those of a resilient city. ; This work was supported by the European Community's Seventh Framework Programme: Grant Agreement No. 308497, Project RAMSES "Reconciling Adaptation, Mitigation and Sustainable Development for Cities", 2012–2017. In addition, this study has received partial funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement no. 653522 (RESIN−Climate Resilient Cities and Infrastructures project).