Suchergebnisse

Insurrection is theorised as a form of resistance in and around organisational life, often functioning to promote more sustainable forms of organisation and organising. However, urban riots, as a form of insurrection, are typically narrated through nonconformity, social injustice, and immigration, which often deny (1) riots as having a political message or form (i.e. they are 'pure violence without claim'), and (2) rioters as having affirmative needs or qualities (i.e. they are 'primitive rebels'). This study draws on publically available narratives and deploys the relational ontology of Axel Honneth to re-cast riots and rioters as responding to violations in basic human need for 'recognition', that is, as expressed through 'love, rights, and solidarity'. In doing so, we hope to sit in contrast with the dominant insurrection and rioting scholarship, to explore as well as inspire alternative ways of organisation and organising in contemporary circumstances which are grounded in affirmative relationality.

This article analyzes the determinants of household riot victimization, based on a unique survey collected in Maharashtra, India. We adopt a multilevel framework that allows neighborhood and district effects to randomly influence household victimization. We find that economically vulnerable households, households living close to unsafe areas, and shop owners are more prone to suffer from riots. Households report lower levels of victimization if they live further from police stations, exhibit higher levels of trust, are able to rely on outside help in times of need and accumulate savings. The results show, however, a double-edge effect of income: wealthier households are better able to cope with the adverse effects of riots, but also have more to lose from riots and are more exposed to opportunistic violence and looting. We find further that affluent neighborhoods and neighborhoods where caste fragmentation is high report higher levels of victimization. Neighborhoods with stronger social interactions experience lower levels of victimization.

My book Leveling Crowds was published in 1996, and around the same time and in succeeding years there was a spate of books on much the same topic, but primarily focused on India. This essay discusses the implications of some of these studies for my chief submissions, and also responds to the comments of some reviews of my book. It is hoped that this postscript will amplify and enrich our investigation of the dynamics of ethnonationalist conflicts in South Asia.

AbstractVarious public administration jobs are described as "impossible," meaning that they have an unpopular or illegitimate client base, stakeholders have conflicting values, and leaders and their agency's mission are continually questioned. Although this framework is widely used, it has also become overgeneralized. The authors propose three theoretical extensions to understanding impossible jobs based on findings from a three‐year multimethod study of riot policing. First, a distinction can be drawn between impossible jobs and impossible tasks. Second, the relationship between impossible jobs and street‐level bureaucracy is clarified; the case of riot police shows that some street‐level bureaucrats face impossible tasks. Third, the authors show that the conceptualization of the client base has been overly static—in some situations, the client base fractures, or grows rapidly, and legitimacy can change in real time.

A time-series analysis of individual level, perceptual data disconfirms the J-curve theory of the black urban riots (i.e., that they arise because a period of progress was followed by a sharp decline) and suggests that ambiguities surrounding black people's perceptions of their economic situation probably led to the frustration that culminated in urban violence.The methodological component of the research deals with such problems of relative deprivation-based research as: (1) the substitution of aggregate, objective-level indicators for perceptual theoretical concepts; (2) the correspondences between objective and perceptual data on both a point-by-point basis and across time-series patterns; (3) the empirical implications of failing to look at important subgroup distinctions; and (4) the crucial assumption of all forms of relative deprivation theory that future expectations of need fulfillment, especially in the period of rising satisfactions, are a function of current levels of need fulfillment. The research calls for modifications in the structure and application of relative deprivation theory in light of the findings in these areas.

The phenomenon of urban riots reappeared in France in the late 1970s, it took root in the 1990s, and in 2005 it experienced an unprecedent generalization. It continues locally since then. With few exceptions, it is always triggered by the death of young people in connection with a police operation. This article provides a summary of research on urban riots conducted in France in recent years and aims at drawing a comprehensive framework for the analysis of this phenomenon by articulating its economic, social and political dimensions. It highlights the process of ghettoization, the failures of state regulation and the lack of political representation of slum dwellers. It finally analyzes the riots as a «basic form of political protest.» ; El fenómeno de las revueltas urbanas apareció en Francia a finales de los años 1970, se arraigó en la década de los 80s y experimentó en 2005 una generalización inédita. Se desarrolla localmente desde esta fecha. Con algunas excepciones, se desata en la mayoría de los casos por la muerte de jóvenes en relación con una operación de policía. Este artículo propone una síntesis de las investigaciones llevadas a cabo en Francia en los últimos años y trata de desglosar un marco de interpretación global de este fenómeno al articular sus dimensiones económicas, sociales y políticas. Este trabajo pone énfasis en los procesos de creación de guetos, en las fallas de la regulación estatal y en la ausencia de representación política de los habitantes de los barrios pobres. Finalmente, se analizan las revueltas como una « forma elemental de protesta política». ; O fenômeno das revoltas urbanas apareceu na França no final dos anos 1970, se arraigou na década dos 80 e experimentou em 2005 uma generalização inédita. Desenvolve-se localmente desde esta data. Com algumas exceções, se desata na maioria dos casos pela morte de jovens em relação a uma operação de policia. Este artigo propõe uma síntese das pesquisas levadas a cabo na França nos últimos anos e trata de dividir um marco de interpretação global deste fenômeno ao articular suas dimensões econômicas, sociais e políticas. Este trabalho põe ênfase nos processos de criação de guetos, nas falhas da regulação estatal e na ausência de representação política dos habitantes dos bairros pobres. Finalmente, se analisam as revoltas como uma «forma Elemental de contesta política».

El fenómeno de las revueltas urbanas apareció en Francia a finales de los años 1970, se arraigó en la década de los 80s y experimentó en 2005 una generalización inédita. Se desarrolla localmente desde esta fecha. Con algunas excepciones, se desata en la mayoría de los casos por la muerte de jóvenes en relación con una operación de policía. Este artículo propone una síntesis de las investigaciones llevadas a cabo en Francia en los últimos años y trata de desglosar un marco de interpretación global de este fenómeno al articular sus dimensiones económicas, sociales y políticas. Este trabajo pone énfasis en los procesos de creación de guetos, en las fallas de la regulación estatal y en la ausencia de representación política de los habitantes de los barrios pobres. Finalmente, se analizan las revueltas como una « forma elemental de protesta política». ; O fenômeno das revoltas urbanas apareceu na França no final dos anos 1970, se arraigou na década dos 80 e experimentou em 2005 uma generalização inédita. Desenvolve-se localmente desde esta data. Com algumas exceções, se desata na maioria dos casos pela morte de jovens em relação a uma operação de policia. Este artigo propõe uma síntese das pesquisas levadas a cabo na França nos últimos anos e trata de dividir um marco de interpretação global deste fenômeno ao articular suas dimensões econômicas, sociais e políticas. Este trabalho põe ênfase nos processos de criação de guetos, nas falhas da regulação estatal e na ausência de representação política dos habitantes dos bairros pobres. Finalmente, se analisam as revoltas como uma «forma Elemental de contesta política». ; The phenomenon of urban riots reappeared in France in the late 1970s, it took root in the 1990s, and in 2005 it experienced an unprecedent generalization. It continues locally since then. With few exceptions, it is always triggered by the death of young people in connection with a police operation. This article provides a summary of research on urban riots conducted in France in recent years and aims at drawing a comprehensive framework for the analysis of this phenomenon by articulating its economic, social and political dimensions. It highlights the process of ghettoization, the failures of state regulation and the lack of political representation of slum dwellers. It finally analyzes the riots as a «basic form of political protest.»