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Record is based on bibliographic data in CIS US Congressional Committee Hearings Index. Reuse except for individual research requires license from Congressional Information Service, Inc. ; Indexed in CIS US Congressional Committee Hearings Index Part VIII ; Mode of access: Internet.

« Civilizing » the suburbs. Logic and efficacy conditions of state schemes for the regulation of violence in french low-income districts At the beginning of the 80s, the rise in juvenile « delinquency » and the appearance of « urban riots » led governmental agencies to draw up various plans designed to curb violence through both prevention and repression. This article seeks to understand the logic producing behaviour regarded as violent, through the prism of analysis offered by the efficacy conditions of these plans. Only through an analysis of informal social configurations such as « youth groups » can delinquency and urban violence phenomena be explained. The sensitivity of delinquency statistics to the policy of keeping adolescents busy – anti-« hot summer » operations, raising the school-leaving age and vocational internships – shows that the informal institution active in the production of violence is indeed the « youth group » based on the logic of prestige and « street culture », as its members' leisurely strolls through their districts offer numerous opportunities for asserting and measuring up their positions, sometimes in illegal and violent ways. The formation of low-income districts with large families giving little attention to their children's schooling and having to face, after 1974, the specific difficulties of the unskilled labour market contributed between 1960 and 1980 to preparing the conditions of a possible generalization of the adolescent « street culture » and the emergence of the « problem of the suburbs ». ; À la fin des années soixante-dix, l'accroissement de la « délinquance » des jeunes et l'apparition « d'émeutes urbaines » amenèrent les pouvoirs publics à mettre en place des dispositifs administratifs variés de contrôle de la violence alliant prévention et répression. L'objet de l'article est de comprendre, en utilisant le prisme d'analyse offert par les conditions d'efficacité de ces dispositifs, quelles sont les logiques d'engendrement des comportements considérés comme violents. ...

Neste artigo pretendo pensar do ponto vista da antropologia da performance o cruzamento entre espaço público, performances políticas e mediatização. Através da leitura de uma revolta urbana espoletada em 1959 em Niterói, a Revolta das Barcas, propus aos participantes de um curso-oficina na Universidade Federal Fluminense, em Novembro de 2014, uma instalação-performativa para revisitar sua memória e, sobretudo, para a reatualizá-la de um ponto de vista político face aos conflitos recentes associados ao Movimento Passe Livre no Brasil. Começo por analisar um conjunto imagético de protestos recentes em Portugal, Estados Unidos, Espanha e Brasil para explicitar traços semelhantes no modo de atuação dessas mobilizações políticas e na resposta dada pelo poder dominante. "Artivismo" emerge como conceito a explorar nos protestos políticos contemporâneos. Ao longo do artigo, tentarei sublinhar a sua performatividade ativista, seus efeitos de carnavalização e suas possíveis articulações entre repertórios e arquivos. ; In this article I intend to think the intersection between public space, political performances and media transmission from the point of view of the anthropology of performance. Through the read?ing of an urban riot uprising which took place in 1959 in Niterói, TheRevolt of the Ferries, I proposed to the participants in a workshop at the Fluminense Federal University in November 2014, a per?formative installation to revisit the riot memory and, above all, to reenact it from a political point of view considering the recent conflicts associated with the Free Pass Movement in Brazil. I start by analyzing a set of imagery of recent protests in Portugal, the United States, Spain and Brazil in order to find out similar traits in the performance of those political mobilization and in the answer given by the dominant power. "Artivism" emerges as a concept to be explored in contemporary political protests. Throughout the article I will try to highlight its activist performativity, its "carnavalization" effects and its possible articulations between repertoires and archives ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

Interest in this paper centres on two exemplary cases of two entirely different modes of dramatisation and theatrical practice which, nonetheless, share a common goal. The two works studied here aim at a critical reconsideration of the political issues which surround intensely violent events that have marked American mega cities over the past three decades. Furthermore, both plays aspire to articulate an original statement on the ways in which these issues routinely fall prey to the hegemony of monolithic and sterile media representations of urban spaces. Anna Deavere Smith's vigorous exploration of the reserves of documentary drama and theatre in Twilight: Los Angeles, 1992 (1993) is read alongside and juxtaposed to José Rivera's innovative and exceptional use of magic realism for the stage in Marisol (1992). The question of political efficacy in both cases is thoroughly examined here in relation to how profitably these works showcase acts of interrogating mass media appropriations of identified city riots and instances of social unrest. Attention is devoted to the ways in which Smith's verbatim documentation of the city in turmoil as well as Rivera's surreal and dystopian account of liminal experiences of disenfranchised urban constituents may lead audience members to reassess their own habits of negotiating political demands and relating to moments of crisis.

The campaign of Andrey Bogolyubsky's troops had the most catastrophic consequences for the future of the city: the complete looting of churches and monasteries, the fall of the authority of Kyiv, the incalculable material damage caused to the elites and the ordinary population living in the city. At the same time, it must be recognized that Kyiv has experienced similar acts of violence before. During the Polovtsian hikes burned the suburbs of the Mother of Rus' cities. During the days of the princely military clashes, some city ends were set on fire, and the winners appropriated the wealth of the ktitor monasteries of political rivals. Finally a completely "normal" during urban riots was the looting of the yards tysiatskiis and squads. In addition, during the analysis of the events of 1169 it is impossible to ignore three circumstances. First, Andrey did not lead the troops approaching Kyiv. He was not among those who besieged the capital city. Second, he abandoned Kyiv Principality, defiantly giving this issue to the discretion of his relatives. Thirdly, the fall of Kyiv was made possible for the reason that collected by Prince Andrey, the coalition consisted of the guards and militia of the most ancient lands, including warriors from the southern Rus' cities. Meanwhile, the reasons for the emergence of such a powerful coalition in historiography were almost not considered. In the report presented to the attention of listeners and readers, an attempt is made to comprehend the formulated problems.

The campaign of Andrey Bogolyubsky's troops had the most catastrophic consequences for the future of the city: the complete looting of churches and monasteries, the fall of the authority of Kyiv, the incalculable material damage caused to the elites and the ordinary population living in the city. At the same time, it must be recognized that Kyiv has experienced similar acts of violence before. During the Polovtsian hikes burned the suburbs of the Mother of Rus' cities. During the days of the princely military clashes, some city ends were set on fire, and the winners appropriated the wealth of the ktitor monasteries of political rivals. Finally a completely "normal" during urban riots was the looting of the yards tysiatskiis and squads. In addition, during the analysis of the events of 1169 it is impossible to ignore three circumstances. First, Andrey did not lead the troops approaching Kyiv. He was not among those who besieged the capital city. Second, he abandoned Kyiv Principality, defiantly giving this issue to the discretion of his relatives. Thirdly, the fall of Kyiv was made possible for the reason that collected by Prince Andrey, the coalition consisted of the guards and militia of the most ancient lands, including warriors from the southern Rus' cities. Meanwhile, the reasons for the emergence of such a powerful coalition in historiography were almost not considered. In the report presented to the attention of listeners and readers, an attempt is made to comprehend the formulated problems.

What is special about Broadcast Drive or "A Hill of Five Stations"? It is all about residential properties and some broadcasting stations! These are the statements I often heard when I told my friends of my research topic but cultural significance of a place is not subject to its age, form and size. Broadcast Drive, a ring road of about 1.1-kilometre long, was developed from a massif in the mid 1960s. Sitting on a slope in the northern part of Kowloon Peninsula, Broadcast Drive was selected for housing all four broadcasting stations, namely Radio Hong Kong (later the Radio Television Hong Kong), Redifussion Hong Kong (later the Asia Television), Television Broadcasts Limited and Commercial Radio Hong Kong in the 1960s, since then the road was informally known as "A Hill of Four Stations." With the introduction of the fifth broadcasting station, Commercial Television, in 1975, Broadcast Drive was given a nickname, "A Hill of Five Station". Without any comprehensive study on the street, many people in Hong Kong share a common false truth that the centralization of all broadcasting studios at Broadcast Drive was due to the riot of 1967, but the rich layers, unique characters and cultural significance of Broadcast Drive have been ignored. This paper is aimed at filling the research gap, revealing the history and development of the place, and more importantly, identifying the distinctive cultural characters and cultural significance of Broadcast Drive through gathering documentary evidence mainly from primary sources, such as government records and confidential correspondences among departments, newspapers, photos, plans and site surveys. This study also uncovers unexpectedly that the majority of the studios at Broadcast Drive are the works of representing local architectural firms, which adds values to this short ring road. At present, among the original six studios of the five stations at Broadcast Drive, only four remain standing. As an urban cultural site, it is vulnerable to development. To manage the potential challenges arising from the future plan of Radio Television Hong Kong and the current zoning of the studios, some recommendations have been made in this dissertation to uphold the cultural values of the place. Broadcast Drive is not just a street relating to show business, entertainment and information, it also has a close association with our cultural heritage. ; published_or_final_version ; Conservation ; Master ; Master of Science in Conservation

During the Spanish Restoration period, the female greengrocers carried out several protests against different social groups (traders, suppliers, resellers) and political institutions (City Council, Civil Government) in Madrid. The defence of what those women understood as legitimate rights and aspirations not respected by the local authorities resulted in the unleashing of mutinies of various relevance. The most important of those riots took place on 2 July 1892. Far from being a spontaneous popular protest, it was the result of a progressive process and it had a behavioral logic and an organization driven by ritualized and symbolic methods of selective violence, occupation of public space and protection of small plots of power in the urban sphere. The aim of this article is to analyze the characteristics of that program of female collective action, its social mainstreaming and its political consequences at the local level. ; El colectivo laboral de las verduleras articuló numerosas protestas contra diversos grupos sociales (comerciantes fijos, abastecedores, revendedores) e institucionales (Ayuntamiento, Gobierno Civil) durante la época de la Restauración en Madrid. La defensa de lo que entendieron como unos derechos y aspiraciones legítimas no respetados en la ciudad derivó en el desencadenamiento de motines de diferente trascendencia en el señalado contexto. El más importante de ellos fue el acaecido el 2 de julio de 1892. Lejos de ser una protesta popular espontánea, fue producto de un proceso de fermentación de poder en el ámbito urbano. El presente artículo analizará las características de ese programa de acción colectiva femenina, su transversalidad social y sus repercusiones políticas a nivel local.

This paper deals with the comparative approach of the riots on one hand, and the student movement on the other. If both movements are based on young people mobilization, not all the dimensions which are important in explaining the riots (social classes, ethnicity and race, generation, space, family structure, gender) are so pertinent for the student movement. The riots were indeed the expression of relegation and a profound resentment that have bought into play both ethnoracial (youth from African immigrant backgrounds, directly concerned by discrimination and racism) and social dimensions (low-income backgrounds). But the riots did not develop simply on the basis of age and class, but rather that they bring into play the urban forms (segregation) of the increasing precariousness of part of the low-income population, particularly those of immigrant origin. Segregation reinforces the interaction and the association between these dimensions, and is a favourable condition for riots because of the concentration in the space of all the characteristics which are perceived as object of discrimination and because of the best control of territory. This shift, from inequalities to discrimination, is particularly visible in some specific social spheres like political representation, labor market, police, housing, and school.

International audience ; In recent decades, the symptoms of a serious malaise in French society have multiplied: recurring urban riots; worsening economic, social, cultural, health and territorial inequalities, etc.; decline in confidence in the institutions, manifested in particular by the constant increase in the abstention rate during the elections and by a steady increase in the number of protest votes. Beyond the particular causes of these phenomena, their accumulation and convergence reflect a questioning to the values of the Republic and to the public's adherence to the political system based on them. This development reveals a deep crisis in the model of integration from which France's territorial and societal unity has been formed, over the centuries.To shed light on the mechanisms at work in these upheavals, this communication recalls how, around the gradual emergence of the idea of nation, ideological, legal and political devices were put in place, the original articulation of which was the French model of integration. It then analyses, beyond a purely socio-economic approach, the fundamental characteristics of the crisis of this model, including its territorial and imaginary components. Finally, it shows that, in order to rethink the French conception of integration by retaining characteristics that have a strong identity dimension, it is necessary to overcome the shortcomings of "living together" and to respond to the imperative of "making society".The communication is based on the study of concrete situations in four major types of fragile territories: migration ghettos, crisis-stricken city centers, impoverished rural areas and declining industrial regions. ; Depuis quelques décennies, les symptômes d'un grave malaise de la société française se multiplient : émeutes urbaines récurrentes ; aggravation des inégalités économiques, sociales, culturelles, sanitaires, territoriales, etc. ; dégradation de la confiance dans les institutions, qui se manifeste notamment par l'accroissement constant du taux ...

Since 2008, when the recent global economic crisis first broke out, Greece has been shaken by escalating violence in a series of massive public protests, often derailing into riots with fatal results. Far from demonizing or spectacularizing the recent Greek riots, I will analyze them within the contemporary political civic practices and the parallel theoretical discourse describing the politics of antagonism between active citizens, the state and the media in all performative democratic societies. With brief reference to similar devastating riots the world over the article stresses the spectacular dynamics of public protest and points to the strategic appropriation of the new media for a more effective reclaim of the urban space and a renegotiation of civic and national mythologies (such as fear and insecurity) promoted by the authorities.

At the end of year 2011, a series of collective demonstrations had succeeded around the world. These demonstrations had unbalanced some strong political and social structures and challenged the unalterable attributes of the urban context where they took place. The Arabian countries demonstrations, the London and Santiago de Chile students protests, the Greeks and Spanish indignados demonstrations and he UK riots in august, are social collective acts with a common link: the shake of the unalterable and peaceful metropolitan scenario. The six days riots case succeeded in the United Kingdom in summer 2011 (UK riots 2011) can help to understand the political issue of some tools of graphic semiology and geography linked to research journalism and the increasing claim to the open public data demand.

International audience The Covid-19 crisis occurred at a time when the economic situation was already critical. It led to an 8.6% drop in GDP, the largest in the Maghreb excluding Libya. The general containment of March-April certainly made it possible to control a first wave of the epidemic "but at the cost of a massive recessionary effect (a 19% drop in GDP in the second quarter on a quarterly basis). Tourism (5% of GDP, but up to 14% of GDP indirectly), already in a bad way, collapsed. The epidemic rebound in the autumn led to the return of restrictive measures from October onwards, which hampered the economic recovery. The social protest movements that grew strongly in November and December (see focus) continued into early 2021 with the outbreak of a wave of urban riots that were violently repressed by the forces of order. In economic conditions that have been severely degraded by the impact of the Covid-19 epidemic, it is not completely unthinkable that the security establishment, which is in the process of becoming autonomous, may have a desire to regain authoritarian control over a parliamentary regime that is entangled in conflicts over institutional politics and collective action, which it considers to be chaos. ; La crise du Covid-19 est intervenue dans une conjoncture déjà marquée par une situation économique critique. Elle a entraîné un recul du PIB de 8,6 %, le plus important du Maghreb hors Libye. Le confinement général de mars-avril a certes permis de contrôler une première vague épidémique « mais au prix d'un effet récessif massif (chute du PIB de 19% au deuxième trimestre en glissement trimestriel) » . Le tourisme (5 % du PIB, mais jusqu'à 14 % du PIB de manière indirecte), déjà mal en point, s'est effondré. Le rebond épidémique de la rentrée a provoqué le retour des mesures restrictives à partir d'octobre qui ont obéré la reprise économique. Les mouvements de protestations sociales qui ont connu une forte croissance en novembre et décembre (voir le focus) se sont prolongés au début de 2021 avec ...

International audience ; The Covid-19 crisis occurred at a time when the economic situation was already critical. It led to an 8.6% drop in GDP, the largest in the Maghreb excluding Libya. The general containment of March-April certainly made it possible to control a first wave of the epidemic "but at the cost of a massive recessionary effect (a 19% drop in GDP in the second quarter on a quarterly basis). Tourism (5% of GDP, but up to 14% of GDP indirectly), already in a bad way, collapsed. The epidemic rebound in the autumn led to the return of restrictive measures from October onwards, which hampered the economic recovery. The social protest movements that grew strongly in November and December (see focus) continued into early 2021 with the outbreak of a wave of urban riots that were violently repressed by the forces of order. In economic conditions that have been severely degraded by the impact of the Covid-19 epidemic, it is not completely unthinkable that the security establishment, which is in the process of becoming autonomous, may have a desire to regain authoritarian control over a parliamentary regime that is entangled in conflicts over institutional politics and collective action, which it considers to be chaos. ; La crise du Covid-19 est intervenue dans une conjoncture déjà marquée par une situation économique critique. Elle a entraîné un recul du PIB de 8,6 %, le plus important du Maghreb hors Libye. Le confinement général de mars-avril a certes permis de contrôler une première vague épidémique « mais au prix d'un effet récessif massif (chute du PIB de 19% au deuxième trimestre en glissement trimestriel) » . Le tourisme (5 % du PIB, mais jusqu'à 14 % du PIB de manière indirecte), déjà mal en point, s'est effondré. Le rebond épidémique de la rentrée a provoqué le retour des mesures restrictives à partir d'octobre qui ont obéré la reprise économique. Les mouvements de protestations sociales qui ont connu une forte croissance en novembre et décembre (voir le focus) se sont prolongés au début de 2021 ...

International audience ; The Covid-19 crisis occurred at a time when the economic situation was already critical. It led to an 8.6% drop in GDP, the largest in the Maghreb excluding Libya. The general containment of March-April certainly made it possible to control a first wave of the epidemic "but at the cost of a massive recessionary effect (a 19% drop in GDP in the second quarter on a quarterly basis). Tourism (5% of GDP, but up to 14% of GDP indirectly), already in a bad way, collapsed. The epidemic rebound in the autumn led to the return of restrictive measures from October onwards, which hampered the economic recovery. The social protest movements that grew strongly in November and December (see focus) continued into early 2021 with the outbreak of a wave of urban riots that were violently repressed by the forces of order. In economic conditions that have been severely degraded by the impact of the Covid-19 epidemic, it is not completely unthinkable that the security establishment, which is in the process of becoming autonomous, may have a desire to regain authoritarian control over a parliamentary regime that is entangled in conflicts over institutional politics and collective action, which it considers to be chaos. ; La crise du Covid-19 est intervenue dans une conjoncture déjà marquée par une situation économique critique. Elle a entraîné un recul du PIB de 8,6 %, le plus important du Maghreb hors Libye. Le confinement général de mars-avril a certes permis de contrôler une première vague épidémique « mais au prix d'un effet récessif massif (chute du PIB de 19% au deuxième trimestre en glissement trimestriel) » . Le tourisme (5 % du PIB, mais jusqu'à 14 % du PIB de manière indirecte), déjà mal en point, s'est effondré. Le rebond épidémique de la rentrée a provoqué le retour des mesures restrictives à partir d'octobre qui ont obéré la reprise économique. Les mouvements de protestations sociales qui ont connu une forte croissance en novembre et décembre (voir le focus) se sont prolongés au début de 2021 ...