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The research of the Sayyid Qutb's book "Milestones Along the Way" argued that Qutb's doctrine is dangerous. Firstly, this doctrine aims to achieve world domination by military means. Secondly, it incites religious hatred against the huge masses of people. Thirdly, this doctrine justifies religious wars. Fourthly, it agitates for the establishment of a totalitarian society. Fifthly, it offers training techniques for religious extremists. Sayyid Qutb proclaims an offensive military jihad as the main mean to achieve his goals. Sayyid Qutb emphasizes that the jihad has to subjugate the whole world and captured peoples have either to become Muslims, or to pay tributes (jizya) during all life. Moreover, the study found the three causes of the failure of Sayyid Qutb's doctrine. Firstly, this doctrine is based on manipulations and quoting Muhammad's words out of their context. Secondly, Sayyid Qutb's doctrine declares the war toward the whole world and attempts to implement this idea will inevitably lead to defeat. Thirdly, it seeks to force the 21st century people live according to the norms of the seventh century people and it obviously is a utopia. Also, the study argued that Qutb's ideas are dangerous not only to non-Muslim people, but also to Muslims. Firstly, Sayyid Qutb offers Muslims to fight against their own Muslim states. This idea would provoke civic, fratricidal wars in Muslim countries. Secondly, Qutb opposes the classic Islam doctrine, offering his own understanding of Islam instead. Well-known Muslim scholars criticize points of Qutb's understanding. Thirdly, radical attempts to implement Sayyid Qutb's doctrine set people from different countries against Islam, because these radicals hide behind the name of Islam. Sayyid Qutb regards our time as an arena for the relapse of the events that took place in the seventh century, when salafs (the first Muslims) increased the Islamic theocratic state ownership from one oasis in the desert to vast areas stretching from India to the Atlantic Ocean. Qutb believes that all the twentieth century counties without exception (both non-Muslim counties and Muslim ones) are in the state of pagan ignorance now. He emphasizes that this state requires immediate relapse of the events of more than a thousand years ago - when Muslim warriors carried Islam by sword in all the land which they were able to conquer. ; В результате исследования книги Кутба «Вехи на пути к Аллаху» было выделено и проанализировано пять свидетельств того, что учение Саида Кутба является деструктивным. Во-первых, данное учение направлено на достижение мирового господства военным путём. Во-вторых, оно разжигает ненависть относительно огромных масс людей по религиозному признаку. В-третьих, оно оправдывает религиозные войны. В-четвёртых, учение Кутба агитирует за установление тоталитарного общества. В-пятых, данное учение предлагает техники подготовки религиозных экстремистов. Выявлено, что главным средством достижения своих целей Кутб провозглашает наступательный военный джихад. Причём, по его мнению, этот джихад должен вестись как относительно всех немусульманских государств, так и относительно всех современных ему мусульманских государств, поскольку, по убеждению Кутба, там живут «ненастоящие мусульмане». Установлено три причины несостоятельности учения С. Кутба. Во-первых, это учение основано на манипуляциях, приведении вырванных из контекста цитат Корана и выдаче желаемого за действительное. Во-вторых, это учение объявляет войну всему миру, что неизбежно приведёт к поражению попыток его воплощения в жизнь. В-третьих, оно стремится заставить людей ХХІ столетия жить в строжайшем соответствии с нормами VII столетия, что является утопией. ; В результаті дослідження книги Кутба «Віхи на шляху до Аллаха» було виділено та проаналізовано п'ять свідчень того, що вчення Саїда Кутба є деструктивним. По-перше, це вчення спрямоване на досягнення світового панування військовим шляхом. По-друге, воно розпалює ненависть щодо величезних мас людей за релігійною ознакою. По-третє, воно виправдовує релігійні війни. По-четверте, вчення Кутба агітує за встановлення тоталітарного суспільства. По-п'яте, дане вчення пропонує техніки підготовки релігійних екстремістів. Виявлено, що головним засобом досягнення своїх цілей Кутб проголошує наступальний військовий джихад. Причому, на його думку, цей джихад має вестися як стосовно всіх не мусульманських держав, так і всіх сучасних йому мусульманських держав, оскільки, на переконання Кутба, там живуть «несправжні мусульмани». Встановлено три причини неспроможності вчення С. Кутба. По-перше, це вчення засноване на маніпуляціях, наведенні вирваних з контексту цитат Корану та видавані бажаного за дійсне. По-друге, дане вчення оголошує війну всьому світові, що невідворотно призведе до поразки спроб його втілення у життя. По-третє, воно прагне примусити людей ХХІ століття жити у суворій відповідності до норм життя VII століття, що є утопією.

A military policy was and remains important direction of activity of political subject. There are two gnosiological platforms of understanding of essence sources and rich in content parameters of military policy. Part of researchers considers this variety of policy a constituent above all things public policy, directed on application of facilities of the armed violence for the sake of realization of national aims. Other research workers diffuse a military policy for limits actually the states, providing with military-political thought political parties, public associations, other structures of civil society and even anti-gov- ernment forces.The amount of presidential republics on post-soviet political space arrives at nine (Azerbaijan, Byelorussia, Armenia, Kazakhstan, Kirghizia, Russia, Tadjikistan, Turk- menistan, Uzbekistan), mixed (parlamentary-presidential, presidential-parlamentary, especially parliamentary) – to six (Georgia, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Moldova, Ukraine). To the unpresidential republics of the CIS the peculiar combined method of forming of military policy which combines it state and non-state constituents. Presidential («super- presidential») republics saved tradition of state (presidential) determination of military policy with the minimum account of non-state sources of its producing and even them complete ignoring. The presidential republics of the CIS, as a rule, chosen military orga- nization as instituter basis of power protection of political process. Creation the sector of safety and defensive removes western (democratic) approaches on questions making and practical realization of military policy. The unpresidential republics of the CIS are inclined to consider this sector institutionally basis armed power to influence on social realities.The military policy of Russian Federation both independent nation-state has as inte- gration and individual lines which considerably differ from its collective initiatives. By the collective organ of countries of the CIS, to initiator RF and built in accordance with the Kremlin understanding of questions of safety and defensive on post-soviet space, there is Organization of agreement about collective security or Tashkent pact, created in 15.05.1992. Parallel from strengthens the own (state selfish) variant of military policy, independent of post-soviet allies these RF. The evolution of conceptual principles of military-political thought of RF, reflected in the Russian military doctrines certifies about it. The evolution of military doctrines of Russia in essence forms the picture of it imperial expansions in a post-soviet period.In 1991 Ukraine took advantage of possibility of reorganization the fragment of So- viet Army in Military Powers of Ukraine, giving here up a soviet nuclear inheritance. The years of independence were witnessed by an inconsistence and even utopia of separate military-political sketches, executed different political commands. Beginning from 2014, Ukraine appeared pulled in in the armed opposition with the Russian army and reparative groupmates which are actively supported Kremlin. The armed answer of Ukraine to ad- dress the Russian troops, which allowed to stop their advancement to Ukrainian territory, became possible due to the total actions of the state armed forming and armed structures of civil society.Decisive resistance of the state armed forming and volunteer tactical units was stopped Russian expansion, however created the mechanisms of returning of the lost territories, proceeding in tangible assets, social resources, and also reliable guaranteeing of strategic prospects of Ukraine, deprived Russian interference. Ukraine appeared before the neces- sity of creation on principle of new model of military policy, the key signs of which must become euro Atlantic integration, creation modern the sector of safety and defensive, complete disclaimer of soviet inheritance. Thus have a situation of transformation of military policy of countries of the CIS after the followings scenarios: collective providing of military safety by entering into NATO (countries of Baltic); situation adaptation to Rus- sian influences (countries of ODKB); complete or partial ignoring of Russian interests in an attempt to protect an own geostrategic choice (Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova, Azerbaijan); proclamation of neutrality (Turkmenistan). Dispersion military and political trajectories of former Soviet republics does not hope for their reintegration into coherent military- security structure. ; Раскрыты особенности формирования военной политики странами СНГ. До- казана разница между президентским и парламентским подходами относительно развития военно-политической сферы государства. Указано на специфику военной политики России, направленной на обеспечение регионального и глобального доми- нирования. Аргументирована необходимость продолжения военно-политических преобразований в Украине на демократических принципах. ; Розкрито особливості формування воєнної політики країнами СНД. Доведено різницю між президентським та парламентським підходами щодо розвитку воєнно- політичної сфери держави. Вказано на специфіку воєнної політики Росії, спрямо- ваної на забезпечення регіонального та глобального домінування. Аргументовано необхідність продовження воєнно-політичних перетворень в Україні на демокра- тичних засадах.

La simulación por transformación de significados de los referentes de vida de los jóvenes se traduce en una cultura y sociedad en crisis. El joven con una identidad creada mediáticamente se encuentra deshabitado de sí, así como aquel que observa que la justicia es trastrocada se enferma de muerte. No obstante, este último sabe que para lograr la resurrección se debe morir primero, creando un referente mítico y una microsociedad como utopía para lograrlo, fungiendo la esperanza y los ritos que le son inherentes de modo particular, enarbolando la bandera de la diferencia (y la indiferencia) para lograr su congruencia ética. Esta ideología es la manera de alcanzar la tan ansiada libertad –aunque de hecho saben que es parcial y ficticia–, observándose como guerreros de su propia fe, de manera semejante a los guerreros tribales. Lo anterior explica la mitificación de las luchas y su aparente violencia. Se trata de guerreros como ideólogos, políticos y gobernantes en su propio espacio. Son el resultado del nexo entre la política y el poder como origen y fin del conflicto, en el que la guerra es el último recurso en tanto no hay otras vías, en cuyas formas se conforman los parámetros de su espacio social. Esta complejidad dinámica observa la multiplicidad de estatus, roles y papeles, en el que el tipo ideal de dominación política manifiesta la interacción –funcional– simbólica del carismático y su motivación psicológica son la formas de socializar. Así, al interior de estos espacios simbólicos se da una forma de democracia, en la que no hay lugar para la violencia en virtud de que son iguales, no existe sino al exterior el otro como antagónico o enemigo y no como semejante distinto. Es en este núcleo donde se puede observar fácilmente la fragmentación social juvenil. ; A lo largo de la historia de la humanidad el ser humano se ha visto envuelto en fenómenos que le han obligado a ir modificando sus condiciones de vida, algunos de los cuales lo ayudan a comprender su realidad y que lo significan como tal, expresiones de fenómenos que tienen tal complejidad que se ha requerido diversificar su estudio en distintos ámbitos tales como lo cultural, lo económico, lo político, lo filosófico, para su posibilidad de conocimiento. Cada fenómeno que lo caracteriza, lleva implícita una carga de apropiación de su contexto, de explicación de su mundo de vida, de sus relaciones sociales, de sus creencias simbólicas, en fin, de su propia existencia en relación con su entorno físico e histórico. En la época actual, se han venido produciendo fenómenos sociales característicos, producto de factores relacionados fundamentalmente con sus formas sociales de vida privadas y públicas. En la fragmentación social, el sujeto privado de su libertad se desenvuelve en distintos contextos a los que les otorga distintas lógicas de interacción, desde lo familiar, laboral, entretenimiento. Con cada uno de los contextos parcelados del sujeto se circunscriben diversas formas de vida, sometiéndose a las éticas propias de cada organización y, por ende, a diversas estéticas de su propia imagen percibida, y también fragmentada, formando un rompecabezas como juego sincrónico y diacrónico polisémico. En las relaciones sociales, se crea un juego de poder retórico, es decir, los jóvenes pretenden legitimar su punto de vista mediante el discurso verbal y no verbal de forma persuasiva, en cuyos terrenos comunes (centros de reunión social) recuperan su comunidad. No obstante, estos terrenos han sido resignificados hacia dos ámbitos específicos: frente a los medios masivos en donde se exponen a los modelos que refrendan su pertenencia a los mismos y, a los lugares de reunión donde recrean sus formas de vida específicas, tales como las fiestas "raves", los sótanos "darketos", las plazas "punketas". De tal forma, la fragmentación social de los grupos juveniles supone la traducción y resignificación híbrida-simbólica de todas las formas de vida de su esfera privada y pública. Es así, que el estudio de la fragmentación de las identidades juveniles sustenta su conveniencia en la descripción, análisis y síntesis de éstas, posibilitando su comprensión y adaptación relacional a la sociedad.

La simulación por transformación de significados de los referentes de vida de los jóvenes se traduce en una cultura y sociedad en crisis. El joven con una identidad creada mediáticamente se encuentra deshabitado de sí, así como aquel que observa que la justicia es trastrocada se enferma de muerte. No obstante, este último sabe que para lograr la resurrección se debe morir primero, creando un referente mítico y una microsociedad como utopía para lograrlo, fungiendo la esperanza y los ritos que le son inherentes de modo particular, enarbolando la bandera de la diferencia (y la indiferencia) para lograr su congruencia ética. Esta ideología es la manera de alcanzar la tan ansiada libertad –aunque de hecho saben que es parcial y ficticia–, observándose como guerreros de su propia fe, de manera semejante a los guerreros tribales. Lo anterior explica la mitificación de las luchas y su aparente violencia. Se trata de guerreros como ideólogos, políticos y gobernantes en su propio espacio. Son el resultado del nexo entre la política y el poder como origen y fin del conflicto, en el que la guerra es el último recurso en tanto no hay otras vías, en cuyas formas se conforman los parámetros de su espacio social. Esta complejidad dinámica observa la multiplicidad de estatus, roles y papeles, en el que el tipo ideal de dominación política manifiesta la interacción –funcional– simbólica del carismático y su motivación psicológica son la formas de socializar. Así, al interior de estos espacios simbólicos se da una forma de democracia, en la que no hay lugar para la violencia en virtud de que son iguales, no existe sino al exterior el otro como antagónico o enemigo y no como semejante distinto. Es en este núcleo donde se puede observar fácilmente la fragmentación social juvenil. ; A lo largo de la historia de la humanidad el ser humano se ha visto envuelto en fenómenos que le han obligado a ir modificando sus condiciones de vida, algunos de los cuales lo ayudan a comprender su realidad y que lo significan como tal, expresiones de fenómenos que tienen tal complejidad que se ha requerido diversificar su estudio en distintos ámbitos tales como lo cultural, lo económico, lo político, lo filosófico, para su posibilidad de conocimiento. Cada fenómeno que lo caracteriza, lleva implícita una carga de apropiación de su contexto, de explicación de su mundo de vida, de sus relaciones sociales, de sus creencias simbólicas, en fin, de su propia existencia en relación con su entorno físico e histórico. En la época actual, se han venido produciendo fenómenos sociales característicos, producto de factores relacionados fundamentalmente con sus formas sociales de vida privadas y públicas. En la fragmentación social, el sujeto privado de su libertad se desenvuelve en distintos contextos a los que les otorga distintas lógicas de interacción, desde lo familiar, laboral, entretenimiento. Con cada uno de los contextos parcelados del sujeto se circunscriben diversas formas de vida, sometiéndose a las éticas propias de cada organización y, por ende, a diversas estéticas de su propia imagen percibida, y también fragmentada, formando un rompecabezas como juego sincrónico y diacrónico polisémico. En las relaciones sociales, se crea un juego de poder retórico, es decir, los jóvenes pretenden legitimar su punto de vista mediante el discurso verbal y no verbal de forma persuasiva, en cuyos terrenos comunes (centros de reunión social) recuperan su comunidad. No obstante, estos terrenos han sido resignificados hacia dos ámbitos específicos: frente a los medios masivos en donde se exponen a los modelos que refrendan su pertenencia a los mismos y, a los lugares de reunión donde recrean sus formas de vida específicas, tales como las fiestas "raves", los sótanos "darketos", las plazas "punketas". De tal forma, la fragmentación social de los grupos juveniles supone la traducción y resignificación híbrida-simbólica de todas las formas de vida de su esfera privada y pública. Es así, que el estudio de la fragmentación de las identidades juveniles sustenta su conveniencia en la descripción, análisis y síntesis de éstas, posibilitando su comprensión y adaptación relacional a la sociedad.

Мы являемся свидетелями и современниками очередного социального распада. Россия это мчащийся по океану «Титаник». Хватит ли у нас исторического времени для стратегического маневра? Неочевидно. У Советского Союза его не хватило. Для опасений есть немалые основания. Новые политические институты в считанные годы наполняются исторически-традиционным содержанием, и переход общества с траектории деградации на траекторию поступательного восходящего развития требует предельной интеллектуальной мобилизации ; The article reveals a typological similarity of Russias socio-historical process based on the analysis of historical events of the late XXth beginning of XXIst centuries. It is argued that with all the differences that have distinguished the changing political regimes in Russia its dominant feature has always been a so-called police-ridden state. Moreover, Russian history provides enough evidence that police has never been a good social integrator. While Russian Empire had been ruled by the representatives of the privileged class, Soviet Union has been ruled by the representatives of common people. However, in both cases the state fell. This is a firm fact, which apparently reveals the low quality of strategic nation-state government and which denotes the invariant socio-cultural basis of society. Russia was unable to find efficient solutions to most of its historical challenges because of the general intellectual deficit. In the beginning of the XXth century the number of educated people was obviously too low to provide the required quality of strategic management. On the other hand, in the late XXth century with all the millions of professionals in science and engineering there was a serious lack of people with rational socio-humanitarian knowledge. Without this, however, it was simply impossible to establish efficient relations between society and its power-holders. There is absolutely no doubt: a political regime, which cannot sustain national development and, thus, provide Russias inter-state competitiveness, will inevitably fall. The nature and scale of conflicts that would precede such fall are, however, uncertain: would it be a full-scale civil conflict similar to the one in the beginning of the XXth century? Or would it be a series of local conflicts like in the late XXth? In both cases, the society had to spare a large number of human lives for its inability to modernize gradually. Besides, the very genesis of the new Russian statehood poses serious threats: the life cycle of each of its subsequent versions has been steadily reducing. All of the above questions the historical sustainability of the post-Soviet Russia. A methodological approach promoted here is based on an integral indicator of social quality, i.e. an ability of large social groups to contribute to societys own survival, development and well-being. The study of tendencies in contemporary Russia with the use of this indicator provide the following evidence: macrosocial strategies of the major social groups in Russia lead to disorganization and disintegration of state. The political and administrative elites are completely stupefied by the multi-billion corruption. The mass strata, who feel unable to influence the policy of the ruling elites, deny any responsibility for the current situation in Russia. Moreover, Russian intelligentsia, which is politically and socially disorganized, seems to be unable to withstand the amorality of the top classes as well. To sustain its own well-being intelligentsia is simply bound to adapt by getting itself involved in corruption. It is well known that the way of thinking shapes certain patterns of conduct; thus, mass way of thinking shapes mass behavior. The official Soviet social science has been forcedly shaping the mass consciousness driving it from one utopia to another: the expectation of a World-wide revolution; the construction of socialism; the rise of communism, etc. However, history had its own verdicts for all of these projects. Nevertheless, this long-lasting program of cultivating irrationalism has had serious effects on the well-being of Russian society in the beginning of the XXIst century. Thus, one of the most important challenges for contemporary Russian socio-humanitarian sciences is to produce and inoculate rational and critical knowledge in society. This implies a tough and uncompromising debate with those, who continue to manipulate the public opinion out of their cynical and selfish purposes. T

Renaissance scholars such as Jacob Burkhardt, Ernst Cassirer, Paul Oskar Kristeller, and José Antonio Maravall have amply demonstrated that a program of letters (studia humanitatis) led, in the Renaissance, to a meditation on humanity. This article looks at the import of Renaissance letters in the more prosaic sense of alphabetic letters. The printing press is of course the most obvious emblem of a new approach to alphabetic letters, and it is doubly important because it underscores the deep bonds between the philological program that reformed the study of Classical letters and a new means of textual transmission. This last has been the object of much good work by Elizabeth Eisenstein, Henri-Jean Martin, and Roger Chartier, among others. My concern here is more narrow. I pose the question of how European attitudes toward the alphabetic letter related to the Renaissance meditation on humanity in the 15th and 16th centuries and I speculate on the implications the European conceptualization of the letter had for the confrontation with, and assimilation of, New World culture, particularly as it was found in Mexico. In this article, I move to a consideration of what resulted when the Spanish encountered a textuality -- the textuality of Meso-America -- that was not based on the letter. Renaissance reformations of letter types reacted against the animated (to borrow Laura Kendricks' term) and corporeal medieval letter that stretched human and animal forms into letters (Giovanno de Grassi's alphabet is a representative instance). Against the monstrous medieval manuscript letter was pitted the Roman letter that, as 16th-century treatises proposed, deserved to become a model of rational order and symmetry. Fra Luca Pacioli (1497-1509) and Sigismondo de' Fanti (1514), for example, promulgated treatises on letter types, though Geoffroy Tory's great theoretical work Champ fleury (1529) stands out as the most sustained attempt to harmonize letter forms with the idealized human body as well as with Classical culture. For Tory, all letters are based on the form of the human body, as he demonstrates one by one from A to Z, using -- in typical Renaissance fashion -- a perfect, nude male form as his model. All of the letters are also simultaneously mapped onto a 10x10 grid, giving them a mathematical perfection. And all letters are combinations of the perfectly symmetrical "I" and "O", the "I" containing (for reasons Tory explains) the nine muses and Apollo while the "O" houses the seven liberal arts. Tory's treatise therefore makes Roman letter types a key link between dignitas hominis and the program of studia humanitatis. In a similar manner, Thomas More, when he meditates on a utopian society, conceives it as having a more perfect set of alphabetic letters than European ones, the letters being set out at the beginning of the first two editions of his Utopia (1516) along with an example of Utopian literature written in the script. More's alphabet is even more perfectly ordered than Tory's Roman alphabet, as all of More's utopenses litterae are formed from the perfect geometrical forms of the circle and the square. A superior humanity corresponds to a superior alphabet (the equation can also be run in reverse). What, then, are the implications of the European encounter with the New World, and, in particular, with the non-alphabetic culture of Meso-America? Meso-America, after all, was neither a culture without writing - a kind of "blank slate" Europeans could overwrite with letters - nor a lettered culture. Rather, it had a highly-developed pictogrammic system of writing that allowed it to produce texts that recorded, at one and the same time, historical accounts, tribute accounts, legends and calendars. The answer, to which I work, is that, for the Europeans, the textuality of the Meso-American empire needed to be brought under the reins of lettered European textuality just as their political territory needed to be conquered. The result was the creation of the mestizo codices that reproduced many elements of Pre-Columbian pictographic texts but organized them according to the exigencies of the European paginated book. In examining this phenomenon I argue that what was radically "other" was reduced to, and imported into Europe as, the radically "new," and I examine the relationship between alphabetic/non-alphabetic textualities and the European debate regarding the humanity of the Amerindians.

Let us turn to Latin America. How is the End of History faring in that part of the world? In Latin America, as almost everywhere else, Fukuyama's theory was taken (somewhat unfairly) to be a Reaganite shout of triumph, and it aroused an instant feeling of outrage and indignation. The Nicaraguan philosopher Alejandro Serrano Caldera published a response to Fukuyama as early as 1991 under the title El fin de la historia: Reaparicion del mito (Havana: Editorial 13 de Marzo, 1991), intending to defend a revolutionary Marxist project. And, in fact, revolutionary Marxism did manage to survive in Latin America. Fidel Castro has entered his fifth decade of one-man rule, and, when he travels abroad, crowds of naive and misinformed people still come out to cheer. In Colombia, the Marxist guerrillas remain extremely powerful, even if their Marxism contains a strange mix of cocaine revenue and jungle millenarianism. These are some of the anomalies of Latin American life today. Still, in most other respects, Latin American Marxism has collapsed, and so have the several Latin traditions that descend from the Fascism of the 1920s and 1930s. The larger vector of political thought and action in Latin America has definitely pointed in the direction that Fukuyama identified. At the start of the 1980s, most of Latin America was dominated by despots and military dictators, principally on the extreme right. Even the left-wing dictators, in Cuba and Nicaragua, were careful to wear their military uniforms. Those days are gone. Every single government in Latin America today, except Cuba's, conforms at least outwardly to the principles of liberal democracy. The forward step is enormous--though, to be sure, much could be said about conditions in this place and that, almost everywhere in the region. BUT WHAT HAS been the larger result of these developments in Latin America? Forrest D. Colburn takes up this question in his own response to Fukuyama, Latin America at the End of Politics. Colburn is a political scientist who, in the early 1980s, was driven by the spirit of the age to spend a couple of years in Nicaragua, when the Sandinista People's Revolution was in its prime. I think it is fair to say that, like most of the other academics and journalists who journeyed to Nicaragua from around the world in those years, Colburn keenly hoped for a Sandinista success--that is, a revolution that would succeed in creating a new society with much more wealth, social equality, and freedom than before. He made careful observations of Sandinista agrarian policies, and he produced a sophisticated and observant study called Post-Revolutionary Nicaragua, in 1986. Unfortunately, he was unable to report a success. Colburn concluded that Sandinista policies had led to a devastating fall in farm productivity--a disaster for Nicaragua, which has always depended on agricultural exports. Naturally, he blamed the contra war and the United States foreign policy for some of the problems. But he was able to identify the precise ways in which the Sandinista plans and planners had wreaked their own damage. His book was the first substantial report about the Sandinista failure in agriculture--a brave and original book, which he wrote in a period when quite a few other academic scholars were blithely repeating all sorts of preposterous claims of success by the Sandinista government. It was only later, in the 1990s, that the Sandinistas themselves, in a series of writings and analyses, finally confirmed Colburn's analyses. WHAT DOES this phrase mean--The End of Politics? In Colburn's description, it pretty much means what Castaneda wrote about in Utopia Disarmed, which is to say: the abandonment of the Marxist revolutionary ambition that got its start in 1959 with the Cuban Revolution--the abandonment of guerrilla insurgencies and the end of the mass Marxist and Cuban- or Soviet-style revolutionary movements: the end of what Castaneda calls Latin America's 'Thirty Years War.' The End of Politics means something larger, too. In the field of politics, Latin Americans have achieved one great historic success. They have created sturdy and stable nation states--which is why, among all the regions of the world, Latin America, together with North America, has engaged in the fewest wars between states, a triumph of politics. And the Latin Americans have tried to build on this triumph, too, by looking to their national states to dominate economies and to establish social equality. In the past, revolutionary Marxism struck many Latin Americans as merely a new, scientific variation on the old Latin theme of the all-powerful state.

International audience ; The Italian Origins of European Federalism during the Second World War. The study of the especially strong federalist current within the Resistance in Italy, enables to understand the very particular conditions of the emergence as well as the specificities of this ideological movement, that broke with the political traditions of the pre-war years and laid down as a prerequisite the setting up of a European political framework. Actually, the first activists in the literal sense of a current until then without militants gathered in Italy. They could very quickly refer to a real programme of action, a structured political training and they were willing to carry the "good news" beyond the borders, i.e. to Switzerland, where first contacts were established during the war and from where the diffusion of this idea, that used to be confined to certain resistance circles of the peninsula, set off. Certainly, this first diffusion, accelerated by the effects of liberation, induced a great optimism within the ranks of these militants of a new kind who saw in the political, economic and social conditions emerging in the post-war years, the opportunity to rebuild a more just and coherent whole at European scale. But liberation was also the occasion to recognize the gap, that may exist between utopia and reality: The Italian federalism, battle-tried and well-disciplined, then had to take into account the existence of other currents from different countries, until then undreamt-of, as well as the opposition of political parties condemned a bit quickly and finally an international situation that questioned the prerequisite to all hopes expressed in the Resistance movement: the possibility of establishing a unique and independent European framework. Der italienische Ursprung des europäischen Föderalismus während dem Zweiten Weltkrieg Das Studium des in der italienischen Resistenz ganz besonders stark ausgeprägten Föderalismus erlaubt ein besseres Verständnis, sowohl der besonderen Rahmenbedingungen seines Aufschwungs, als auch der ideologischen Eigenheiten einer Bewegung die mit den politischen Traditionen der Vorkriegszeit bricht und die Schaffung eines politischen Rahmens für Europa zur Grundvoraussetzung erhebt. Italien ist in der Tat jenes Land in dem sich die ersten Aktivisten (im wahrsten Sinne des Wortes) einer bis dahin ohne Militanten gebliebenen Bewegung versammelten, eine strukturierte Formation bildeten und über ein regelrechtes Aktionsprogramm verfügten, dessen "frohe Botschaft" sie über die Landesgrenzen hinaus tragen wollten. Der Schweiz fällt hierbei eine zentrale Rolle zu. Mitten im Krieg werden hier die ersten Kontakte geknüpft um eine bislang auf bestimmte Schichten der italienischen Resistenz beschränkte Idee weiter zu verbreiten. Die Liberation fördert diese Entfaltung in erheblichem Maß. Sie entfacht in den Reihen des neuen Militantismus größte Hoffnung in die sich abzeichnenden politischen, wirtschaftlichen und sozialen Grundvoraussetzungen eines gerechteren und kohärenteren Neuanfangs auf europäischer Ebene. Die Liberation gibt aber auch Gelegenheit den Hiatus zwischen Utopie und Realität zu überprüfen: der abgehärtete und disziplinierte italienische Föderalismus muss damals der Existenz anderer Geistesströmungen aus verschiedensten Ländern Rechnung tragen und dem Widerstand mancher doch etwas voreilig verurteilter Parteien entgegentreten. Schließlich gibt die internationale Lage Anlass zur Sorge. All diese Entwicklungen lassen Zweifel an der großen Hoffnungen der Resistenzler aufkommen: die Möglichkeit einen einzigen und unabhängigen europäischen Rahmen aufzustellen. ; L'étude du courant fédéraliste au sein de la Résistance en Italie, particulièrement fort dans ce pays, permet de comprendre les conditions très particulières de son émergence, ainsi que les spécificités de ce mouvement idéologique, qui rompt avec les traditions politiques d'avant-guerre et pose comme préalable l'institution d'un cadre politique européen. L'Italie est en effet un pays où se sont regroupés les premiers activistes, au sens propre du terme, d'un courant jusqu'ici sans militants, qui peuvent très tôt se réclamer d'un véritable programme d'action, d'une formation politique structurée, et désireux de porter "la bonne parole" par-delà les frontières. En l'occurrence, c'est en Suisse, en pleine période de guerre, qu'ont été établis les premiers contacts et lancée la diffusion d'une idée qui restait cantonnée à certains milieux résistants de la péninsule. Certes, cette première diffusion, accélérée par les effets de la Libération, prédispose à un grand optimisme dans les rangs de ce militantisme d'un nouveau genre qui voit, dans les conditions politiques, économiques et sociales qui se dessinent dans l'après-guerre, l'occasion de rebâtir un ensemble plus juste et plus cohérent, à l'échelle européenne. Mais la Libération est également l'occasion de vérifier le hiatus qui peut exister entre l'utopie et la réalité: le fédéralisme italien, aguerri et discipliné, doit alors tenir compte de l'existence d'autres courants, jusque-là insoupçonnés, issus de pays divers, ainsi que de la résistance de partis politiques un peu vite condamnés, et enfin d'une situation internationale qui remet en cause le préalable à tous les espoirs exprimés dans la Résistance: la possibilité d'instaurer un cadre européen unique et indépendant.

In the French army, at the end of the 18th century and until the end of the First Empire, a group of officers, the "ingénieurs géographes" are regularly occupied with topographical work. These officers are also often in charge of "reconnaissances" which precede the attack; they do statistical inquiries, and they direct and sometimes personally realize series of battle paintings. Their objet, in all these practices, is the battle, the way it has to be prepared, and the way it has to be reproduced in documents. This particular form of scientific work is based on a so-called military logic, a system of thought that the general, who leads the action, and the topographer, who reads reality for him, have to share. Practices and methods of work model, and reveal to us, the structure of this logic. It is from the analysis of the method the topographers use for the "reconnaissance à vue" (the reconnaissances in which the only scientific instrument is the topographer's eye) that we can deduce the utopian potential of the topographers' activity. The topographers deal with their sight as if it had no real limits, as if training could increase indefinitely the possibilities of their senses. Everything is potentially perceptible. The perceptive utopia of the topographical officers is directly linked to the possibility of leading the whole war action. The general can control the battle only if he can see, through his eyes or those of his collaborators, the elements that compose it.The institutional conditions of the topographical activity are a part of the military logic at work. The key concept that governs the educational system of the military topographers in the Ancien Régime is the concept of talent. A talented officer is someone who is considered able to accomplish his work. Talent means that innate dispositions have been correctly trained, and that the man in which this process has been operated has become the true guarantee that the work can be made. No other guarantee is possible, if it is not based in a real, well trained person. This concept of talent will lose its validity in the 1820s, but it is still active and discussed during the First Empire, when two different educational systems are valid and operating: apprenticeship based on practice, and, on the other hand, uniform knowledge, learnt in classes, equal for all students. ; Dans l'armée française de la fin du XVIIIe siècle et du début du XIXe, un groupe d'officiers, les « ingénieurs géographes », est chargé des travaux topographiques; ces officiers s'occupent aussi des reconnaissances avant l'attaque, ainsi que des enquêtes statistiques et des peintures de bataille. Leur objet, dans toutes ces pratiques, est la bataille, la façon dont elle est préparée, et dont elle doit être reproduite dans des documents. Cette forme particulière de travail scientifique est basée sur une « logique militaire », un système de pensée que le général, qui conduit l'action, et le topographe, qui lit la réalité pour lui, doivent partager. Les pratiques et les méthodes de travail façonnent cette logique. C'est de l'analyse de la méthode utilisée pour les « reconnaissances à vue » (celles où le seul instrument scientifique est l'œil du topographe) que nous déduisons le potentiel utopique de cette activité. Les topographes traitent leur sens de la vue comme s'il n'avait pas de limites réelles, comme si l'entraînement pouvait accroître indéfiniment ses possibilités. Tout est potentiellement perceptible. L'utopie de la vision des officiers topographes est directement liée à la possibilité de la conduite de la guerre. Le général peut contrôler la bataille seulement s'il peut voir, par ses yeux ou ces de ses collaborateurs, tous les éléments qui la composent.Ce travail scientifique s'opère dans des conditions institutionnelles particulières. Le concept clé qui gouverne le système de formation des topographes militaires sous l'Ancien Régime est celui de « talent ». Un officier de talent est considéré capable d'accomplir son travail. Le « talent » signifie que les dispositions innées ont été correctement entraînées, et que l'homme dans lequel ce processus a été opéré est devenu la vraie garantie de l'accomplissement du travail. Il n'y a pas d'autre garantie possible, si elle n'est pas basée sur une personne réelle et entraînée. Ce concept de talent perdra sa validité dans les années 1820, mais il opère encore pendant le Premier Empire, quand deux différents systèmes de formations sont actifs : l'apprentissage basé sur la pratique, d'un coté, et, de l'autre, l'enseignement en classe de connaissances uniformes, égales pour tous les étudiants.

1. Jo Ann Cavallo and Walter E. Block, Introduction -- 2. Gloria Alvarez, With Liberty and Health Everything Is Possible in This World -- 3. Phillip Bagus, A Voyage of Discovery -- 4. Doug Bandow, A Beltway Odyssey -- 5. Jayant Bhandari, Out of India: From Wretchedness to Capitalism -- 6. James Bovard, Forty Years Sniping at Leviathan -- 7. Connor Boyack, One Person Changes the World -- 8. Per L. Bylund, From Meager Means to Market Anarchism: The Political Evolution of an Ordinary Swede -- 9. Gerard Casey, My Transformation into a Teacher of Liberty -- 10. Jo Ann Cavallo, "To study and at times to practice what one has learned, is that not a pleasure?" -- 11. Christopher J. Coyne, My Path to Becoming an Economist and Peacemonger -- 12. Lauren Daugherty, A Young American for Liberty -- 13. Marianna Davidovich, Family, Freedom, and Flourishing: An Educator's Journey -- 14. Dumo Denga, Moments that Led Me to Libertarianism in South Africa -- 15. Beniamino Di Martino, The Libertarian Mission of a Catholic Priest -- 16. Brian Doherty, Thinking about and Working toward a Less Cruel World -- 17. Lukasz Dominiak, From Growing Up under Socialism to Becoming Libertarian -- 18. Richard M. Ebeling, My Life as an Austrian Economist and Classical Liberal: The Starting Point and Early Years -- 19. Robert B. Eckhardt, Maverick Scientist, Libertarian Capitalist -- 20. Gene Epstein, Mommy Was a Commie: My Personal Voyage from Intellectual Depravity to Libertarianism -- 21. Rafi Farber, My Journey to Liberty -- 22. Bernardo Ferrero, A Florentine Road toward Liberty -- 23. David Friedman, From Philosophy to Economics -- 24. Alan Futerman, Libertarianism as a Path to Life -- 25. Sean Gabb, Born Wanting To Be Free -- 26. Carla Gericke, Live Free and Thrive! -- 27. James Grant, Luckiest Guy on Wall Street -- 28. Zhu Haijiu, Human Action and My Austrian Economics Journey -- 29. Steve H. Hanke, A Life among the "Econ" -- 30. Norman Horn, The Growth of a Christian Libertarian -- 31. Jacob G. Hornberger, My Life as a Libertarian -- 32. Michael Huemer, Intuitive Libertarianism -- 33. Allen Jeon, Austro-libertarianism's Existential Lessons -- 34. Marc Joffe, Learning from Libertarian Disappointments -- 35. Linda K. Kiguhi, Building a Community of Leaders for Liberty in Africa -- 36. Rowland Kingsley, My Story as an African Libertarian -- 37. Peter G. Klein, My Life as an Austrian Economist and Entrepreneurship Scholar -- 38. Barbara Kolm, If You Are a Tyrolean -- 39. Mitchell Langbert, Confessions of a Libertarian in Academe -- 40. Peter T. Leeson, It Began with Richard Nixon -- 41. Brad Lips, Discovering a World of Hope for Liberty -- 42. Carlo Lottieri, Some Notes in View of an Intellectual Autobiography -- 43. Yuri Maltsev, From Moscow toward Liberty -- 44. Lipton Matthews, No Greater Love than Choice -- 45. Allen Mendenhall, A Libertarian Literary Lawyer -- 46. Ilana Mercer, A Woman of the Libertarian Right -- 47. John Mosier, Confessions of a Proto-Austrian Libertarian -- 48. Antony P. Mueller, My Intellectual Journey in Search of a Social Order beyond the State and Politics -- 49. Michael C. Munger, A Presumption in Favor of Liberty -- 50. Robert P. Murphy, How I Became an Austro-Libertarian -- 51. Héctor Ñaupari, A Sower of Freedom in Latin America -- 52. Radu Nechita, Opening Minds and Sharing the Passion for Liberty -- 53. Wanjiru Njoya, From African Socialism to Libertarianism -- 54. Johan Norberg, Anarchy, Minimal State, and Freelance Utopia -- 55. Yuri Petukhov, Russia, My Journey, and the Hayek Foundation -- 56. Roger Pilon, An Unconventional Odyssey -- 57. Guglielmo Piombini, Dazzled by Murray N. Rothbard -- 58. Robert W. Poole, Jr., Building a Libertarian Think Tank -- 59. Michael Rectenwald, From Leftism to Liberty, A Personal Journey -- 60. Dann Reid, The Culinary Libertarian: Combining My Passion for Food and Liberty -- 61. David Chávez Salazar, And I Will Finally Know What Freedom Is -- 62. Antony Sammeroff, A Scottish Lefty Becomes a Libertarian -- 63. Li Schoolland, A Survivor's Story -- 64. Karen Selick, Making Life Less Lonely for Canadian Libertarians -- 65. Parth J. Shah, Challenging India's Socialist Mindset -- 66. Ilya Shapiro, Living the American Dream -- 67. Josef Šíma, The Fall of Communism as Only the First Step Towards a Free Society -- 68. Jo Ann Skousen, From Social Democrat to Libertarian -- 69. Mark Skousen, My Declaration of Independence -- 70. Barry Smith, Thinking Like an Austrian -- 71. Jacek Spendel, Beyond Philosophy: Libertarianism as a Way of Life -- 72. Krassen Stanchev, From the Soviets to Classical Liberalism -- 73. Frank J. Tipler, Physics and Libertarian Philosophy -- 74. Martin van Staden, Law, Voluntaryism, and Being Libertarian in Uninviting Africa -- 75. Laurence M. Vance, Christian Libertarianism -- 76. Richard Vedder, The Life of an Unlikely Libertarian -- 77. Richard E. Wagner, My Non-ideological Path to Becoming a Libertarian Thinker -- 78. Michael A. Walker, Why I Am a Big Government Skeptic and Small Government Advocate -- 79. Nena Bartlett Whitfield, Building the Future Together -- 80. Hiroshi Yoshida, Opening the Taxpayer's Eyes.

Frontmatter -- Inhalt -- Einleitung der HerausgeberInnen -- I. Wir sind nie monokulturell gewesen -- Formen des Kulturellen -- 0. Ibn Khaldun, Abd ar-Rahman: al-Muqaddima -- 1. Jean de Léry, L'Histoire d'un voyage fait en la terre du Brésil -- 2. Johann Gottfried Herder, Von deutscher Art und Kunst -- 3. Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, Phänomenologie des Geistes -- 4. Georg Simmel, Der Streit -- 5. Alfred Schütz und Thomas Luckmann, Strukturen der Lebenswelt -- 6. George H. Mead, Mind, Self and Society from the Standpoint of a Social Behaviorist -- 7. Peter L. Berger und Thomas Luckmann, The Social Construction of Reality -- 8. Ian Hacking, The Social Construction of What? -- 9. Richard Hamilton, Hommage à Chrysler Corp -- Ethnowissen -- 10. Marcel Mauss, Essai sur le don -- 11. Victor Turner, The Ritual Process -- 12. Margaret Mead, Coming of Age in Samoa -- 13. Bronislaw Malinowski, Argonauts of the Western Pacific -- 14. Mary Douglas, Purity and Danger -- 15. Claude Levi-Strauss, Tristes Tropiques -- II. Zeichen, Symbole, Kommunikationen -- Sprachen -- 16. Ferdinand De Saussure, Cours de linguistique générale -- 17. Karl Bühler, Sprachtheorie -- 18. Jurij Lotman, Der semiotische Raum -- 19. Jacques Derrida, De la grammatologie -- Symbolische Formen -- 20. Ernst Cassirer, Philosophie der symbolischen Formen -- 21. Erwin Panofsky, Meaning in the Visual Arts -- 22. Roland Barthes, Mythologies -- 23. Erving Goffmann, The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life -- 24. Herbert Marshall McLuhan, The Gutenberg Galaxis -- 25. Stanley Kubrick, 2001 -- III. Kulturelle Pluralismen und soziale Ungeichheiten -- Urbanität -- 26. Georg Simmel, Exkurs über den Fremden -- 27. Robert Ezra Park, The City -- 28. William Issac Thomas und Florian Znaniecki, The Polish Peasant in Europe and America -- 29. Walter Benjamin, Das Passagen-Werk -- 30. Paul Gilroy, The Black Atlantic -- Stratifikation und Herrschaft -- 31. Karl Marx, Die deutsche Ideologie -- 32. Pierre Bourdieu, La distinction -- 33. Paul Willis, Learning to Labour -- 34. Norbert Elias, The Established and the Outsiders -- 35. Heinrich Popitz, Prozesse der Machtbildung -- Das Heilige -- 36. Max Weber, Die Protestantische Ethik und der Geist des Kapitalismus -- 37. Émile Durkheim, Les formes élémentaires de la vie religieuse -- 38. Rudolf Otto, Das Heilige -- Gender -- 39. Simone de Beauvoir, Le Deuxième Sexe -- 40. Judith Butler, Gender Trouble -- 41. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, Can the Subaltern Speak? -- IV. Geschichte, Gedächtnis, Zeit -- 42. Giambattista Vico, Principi di una scienza nuova d'intorno alla commune natura delle nazioni -- 43. Thomas Morus, Utopia -- 44. Friedrich Nietzsche, Vom Nutzen und Nachtheil der Historie für das Leben -- 45. Jacob Burckhardt, Weltgeschichtliche Betrachtungen -- 46. Aby Warburg, Der Bilderatlas Mnemosyne -- 47. Maurice Halbwachs, Les cadres sociaux de la mémoire -- 48. Frederic C. Bartlett, Remembering -- 49. Pierre Nora, Les lieux de mémoire -- 50. Sigmund Freud, Die Traumdeutung -- 51. Jacques Lacan, L'instance de la lettre dans l'inconscient ou la raison depuis Freud -- 52. Reinhart Koselleck, Vergangene Zukunft -- 53. Hayden White, Metahistory -- V. Wege zum Wissen -- 54. Robert Musil, Der Mann ohne Eigenschaften -- 55. Karl Mannheim, Ideologie und Utopie -- 56. Clifford Geertz, Thick Description -- 57. Robert K. Merton, The Unanticipated Consequences of Purposive Social Action -- 58. Harold Garfinkel, Studies in Ethnomethodology -- 59. Everett M. Rogers, Diffusion of Innovations -- 60. Edward W. Said, Orientalism -- 61. Eva Illouz, Cold Intimacies -- 62. Albert Bandura, Self-Efficacy -- 63. Hans-Georg Gadamer, Wahrheit und Methode -- 64. Barney G. Glaser und Anselm L. Strauss, The Discovery of Grounded Theory -- VI. Handeln, Begründen, Erleiden -- 65. Aristoteles, Nikomachische Ethik -- 66. Harry G. Frankfurt, The Importance of What We Care About -- 67. Hans Jonas, Das Prinzip Verantwortung -- 68. Amartya Sen, The Idea of Justice -- 69. Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts -- 70. Antonio Gramsci, Quaderni del carcere -- 71. John Dewey, The Public and Its Problems -- 72. Henry David Thoreau, Resistance to Civil Government -- 73. Gabriel Almond und Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture -- 74. David Riesman, The Lonely Crowd -- 75. Ted Robert Gurr, Why Men Rebel -- 76. Michel Foucault, Surveiller et punir -- 77. Joanna Bourke, An Intimate History of Killing -- 78. Stanley Milgram, Obedience to Authority -- 79. Elinor Ostrom und James Walker, Trust and Reciprocity -- VII. Die Natur des Menschen -- 80. Hesiod - Aischylos - Platon, Prometheus -- 81. Charles Robert Darwin, On the Origin of the Species -- 82. Helmuth Plessner, Die Stufen des Organischen und der Mensch -- 83. Jean Piaget, La psychologie de l'intelligence -- 84. Paul Joseph Crutzen, The »Anthropocene« -- 85. Donna Haraway, Simians, Cyborgs, and Women: The Reinvention of Nature -- 86. Gregory Bateson, Steps to an Ecology of Mind -- 87. Bruno Latour, Politiques de la nature -- 88. Julia Kristeva, Pouvoirs de l'horreur -- 89. Adam Smith, Wealth of Nations -- 90. Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation -- 91. André Gorz, Ecologie et politique -- 92. Niklas Luhmann, Ökologische Kommunikation -- 93. Joseph Beuys, 7000 Eichen -- VIII. Vom Geist der Zeit -- 94 Homer, Odyssee -- 95. Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Discours sur les sciences et les arts -- 96. Voltaire, Poème sur le désastre de Lisbonne -- 97. Frantz Fanon, Les damnés de la terre -- 98. Jane Jacobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities -- 99. Hannah Arendt, Eichmann in Jerusalem -- 100. Guy Debord, La Société du Spectacle -- 101. Donella H. Meadows, The Limits to Growth -- 102. Ivan Illich, Tools for Conviviality -- 103. Václav Havel, Moc bezmocných -- 104. Ulrich Beck, Risikogesellschaft -- 105. Naomi Klein, No Logo -- 106. Stéphane Hessel, Indignez-Vous! -- Statt eines Nachwortes: Orientalistik als Kulturwissenschaft -- Stichwortregister -- AutorInnenverzeichnis -- Backmatter

O contexto amazônico tem como marca sua biodiversidade e a diversidade sociocultural com significativo potencial produtivo local de recursos mobilizáveis e mobilizadores. O presente trabalho busca integrar os estudos em cadeia produtivos de recursos Amazônicos com as áreas de tecnologias prioritárias por organizações cooperativas na Região Central no estado de Rondônia. Os dados serão coletados utilizando roteiros de entrevistas semi-estruturados. Inicialmente o estudo foi desenvolvido através de revisão bibliográfica, buscando entender os conceitos de cadeia produtiva e as abordagens sobre tecnologia de produção de produtos extrativistas. Neste artigo apresenta-se esta revisão bibliográfica utilizada. Dentro dos resultados o presente trabalho buscou abordar discussões teóricas acerca da temática: produtos florestais não madeiráveis, cadeias produtivas e tecnologia e informação. Para Pedrozo et al. (2011), os Produtos florestais não madeiráveis – PFNMs são recursos provenientes de florestas nativas, sistemas agroflorestais e plantações incluindo também plantas medicinais e de uso alimentício, frutas, castanhas, resinas, látex, óleos essenciais, fibras, forragem, fungos, fauna e madeira para a fabricação de artesanato, sendo a floresta amazônica a maior fonte de fornecimento desses produtos. No âmbito das cadeias produtivas, segundo Labone (1987) esta é definida como uma sequência de atividades físicas desempenhadas para a produção de um bem. Além disso, podemos associar este termo ao vocábulo agroflorestais, nas quais há uma abertura para discutir a extração de Produtos Florestais Não Madeiráveis (PFNMs). Por fim tecnologia é amplamente utilizada em diferentes áreas da humanidade. Para Klinge (2000), a mentalidade tecnologista é uma forma de se aproximar da realidade que surgiu na modernidade. Os resultados obtidos por coleta de dados não se fez possível por razões do cenário pandemico. O presente trabalho buscou abordar no âmbito teórico, pois por razões da pademia não se pode contemplar os questionários e análises qualitativas, o que fica como possibilidade futura para trabalho complementar.

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LABONNE, M. Sur Le Concept De filière économie agro-alimentaire. Anais. Séminaire interdisciplinaire sur les politiques alimentaires, Paris, p. 137-149, 1987. Disponível em: http://www.documentation.ird.fr/hor/fdi:24865 Acesso em: 11 jan. 2021.
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NARDELE, Marcelle; CONDE, Igor. Sistemas agroflorestais, 2012. Diponível em: http://r1.ufrrj.br/cfar/d/download/Apostila%20Agroflorestas.pdf Acesso em: 22 Fevereiro 2021.
OLIVEIRA, O. F.; MACIEL, R. C. G.; SILVA, J. M.; CAVALCANTE FILHO, P. G. Programa Território da Cidadania: Políticas públicas para o desenvolvimento rural em Rondônia. Revista Brasileira de Gestão e Desenvolvimento Regional, v. 14, n. 2, p. 347-370, 2018. DOI: https://doi.org/10.54399/rbgdr.v14i2.3597
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VIEIRA PINTO, Álvaro. O conceito de Tecnologia. Rio de Janeiro: Contraponto, 2005.

At the crossroads of political history and the history of concepts, this thesis addresses the evolution on the conception of the indigenous past in Mexico, initially rooted in the myths of national unity, but reinterpreted, since the late 1960s, according to the political discourse of historical memory. In order to explain this transformation, I proceeded in three steps. For the period 1968- 1980, I show how a new generation of anthropologists forged a theory on the continuum of ethnocide to qualify the indigenous past from the Conquest of the 16th-century to the present. Globalized through intellectual networks, this version of the past has also been employed by indigenous organizations in Latin America and Mexico since the period 1980-1990. From a vision of themselves as ancestral victims, these groups have sought a public voice in order to obtain legal mechanisms for the respect of their identity. In Mexico, indigenous memory became a major political issue during the uprising of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation in January 1994, which we analyze as a moment of crystallization of the figure of the indigenous as ancestral victims who have been waiting for reparations for five centuries. I also show how the rise of indigenous memory was prolonged in the 2000s by the constitutional recognition of cultural plurality. This last measure shares some mechanisms with the world's policies of memory: commemorations, the centrality of the victim in political discourse, and modalities of reparation. In the present, these aspects are observable in the policies of interculturality, conceived to pay an ancestral debt with the indigenous, and to promote harmonious social relations. This reparation takes the form of a recovery of the pre-Colombian identity through policies of intercultural education and promotion of the so-called native languages. The intention of these policies is also to combat racism and discrimination against indigenous people, long perceived as inferior. Finally, I question the paradoxical effects of this memory within the utopia of the intercultural state. I particularly draw attention to the installation of an identity competition between indigenous and mestizos, exacerbated by the emergence of feelings of both superiority and resentment associated with the figure of the indigenous as an ancestral victim. Far from being an exception, this phenomenon corresponds to the global and contemporary wave of identitarianisms that make memory their main political instrument ; A la croisée de l'histoire politique et de l'histoire des concepts, cette thèse aborde l'évolution de la conception du passé indigène au Mexique, d'abord enraciné dans les mythes de l'unité nationale, mais réinterprété, depuis la fin des années 1960, d'après le discours politique de la mémoire historique. Afin expliquer cette transformation, j'ai procédé en trois temps. Pour la période 1968-1980, je montre comment une nouvelle génération d'anthropologues a forgé une théorie sur le continuum de l'ethnocide pour qualifier le passé des indigènes depuis la conquête du XVIe siècle et jusqu'au présent. Mondialisée à travers des réseaux intellectuels, cette version du passé a également été mobilisée par des organisations indigènes en Amérique Latine et au Mexique, depuis la période 1980-1990. Depuis une vision d'eux-mêmes comme victimes ancestrales, ces groupes ont cherché une prise de parole publique afin d'obtenir des mécanismes légaux pour le respect de leur identité. Au Mexique, la mémoire indigène est devenue une affaire politique majeure lors du soulèvement de l'Armée Zapatiste de Libération Nationale en janvier 1994, que nous analysons comme un moment de cristallisation de la figure de l'indigène en tant que victime ancestrale en attente d'une réparation depuis cinq siècles. Je montre également comment la montée en puissance de la mémoire indigène a été prolongée, dans les années 2000, par la reconnaissance constitutionnelle de la pluralité culturelle. Cette dernière mesure partage des aspects avec les politiques mémorielles au monde : commémorations, centralité de la victime dans le discours politique et modalités de réparation. A présent, ces aspects sont observables dans les politiques de l'interculturalité, conçues comme une manière de payer une dette ancestrale avec les indigènes, et de favoriser des relations sociales harmonieuses. La réparation peut prendre, de plus, la forme d'une récupération de l'identité précolombienne à travers des politiques d'éducation interculturelle et de promotion des langues dites originaires. L'intention de ces politiques est aussi de combattre le racisme et la discrimination envers les indigènes, longtemps perçus comme inférieurs. Finalement, j'interroge des effets paradoxaux de cette mémoire à l'intérieur de l'utopie de l'État interculturelle. J'attire l'attention notamment sur l'installation d'une concurrence identitaire entre les indigènes et les métis, exacerbée par l'émergence des sentiments à la fois de supériorité, mais aussi de ressentiment, associés à la figure de l'indigène comme victime ancestrale. Loin d'être une exception, ce phénomène correspond à la vague mondiale, et contemporaine, des identitarismes qui font de la mémoire leur principal instrument politique.

Delivering one of the Academy lectures is a distinctive and unique honour. I want to express sincere gratitude and appreciation to the President and Fellows of the Nigerian Academy of Science for providing me with this incomparable and inimitable opportunity coming, as it is, as the Academy celebrates its silver jubilee and soon after my tenth year as a Fellow of the Academy. I thought I should use the opportunity to examine the role of science in our development, to see how science and society have interacted and how Nigeria has benefited from such a marriage. I also wished to examine the role of the Nigerian scientist in a country that has little respect for learning, a near utter disregard for excellence, a disdain for quality and brilliance. We live in a country that celebrates mediocrity and places the mundane on the golden pedestal of repute. You may suspect from the onset that I am a frustrated person. I may sound annoyed and displeased about the-situation of science and technological development in Nigeria. Quite the contrary, I assure you I am not. I am only in a state of agony and lamentation for my country. I am mourning for a lost past, a disastrous present, and an unknown future.Distinguished ladies and gentlemen, in conclusion, I declare that science, scientists, and the society have all conspired to under develop our beloved country. Do not be amazed that I am starting with the conclusion, because a few years ago, so much unpredictable and undesirable things could happen in the short space of time it takes to deliver a one-hour lecture, ridiculous things that could prevent us from hearing the conclusion of the lecture. For example, NEPA could strike or the Senate Human Rights and Fair Play Sub-Committee may decide to send police in here to drive all of us out because this hall is required to hold a reception in honour of one of her members who has just received the Honorary Doctorate Degree in Jurisprudence and Human Rights. But I am assured that we live in a new country, where NEPA is the New Electric-Power Authority. A new country, where I am free to say what is on my mind as a free citizen of this beloved country. A new country, where there is respect for human dignity and justice. A new country, where there is respect for liberty, where corruption is rare, where the benefits of science is within the reach of the majority of the population. Please do not laugh, as that was my dream for Nigeria forty year ago.Forty years ago, I sat for the Cambridge School Certificate at my alma mater, The Government College, Ughelli, in the Delta State of today. I remember vividly the essay topic I wrote for the English paper one. It was titled: Nigeria, twenty years from now. I wrote, and wrote, till my fingers ached in cramps of excitement. I was excited for the future of my dear country, and I wrote furiously. I dreamt dreams and wrote my dreams on paper, Oh, I saw a country where tribe and tongue differed, but in brotherhood we stood, I saw a vision of a country where Nigerians all were proud to serve our dear motherland. In my- dream, I saw macadamized roads criss-crossing the entire land of Nigeria. Every house had running potable water, where electricity never 'blinked 'for one day. Only those who chose not to go, did not attend the new primary and secondary schools found all over the country. Our universities were offering courses relevant for the development of our country. Technical schools and polytechnics dotted every nook and corner of Nigeria, training people who turned Nigeria into a technological paradise, people who made Nigeria a beauty to behold. So, it was it a delight to be sick in the Nigeria of my dream. We had hospitals where good care with humanitarian touch marked the order of the day. There were no armed robbers as those who would have chosen the profession of armed robbery were in good schools or polytechnics. Nigeria in 1982, was the utopia. I wrote with the fervour of a young man who was very proud of his motherland. A teenager, who wanted to live and die for his country. I had plans for myself too. I would go into science, maybe medicine, maybe engineering. I would discover cures for diseases or build bridges across the river Ethiope in Sapele, and others linking all the riverside towns of Nigeria's delta and mangrove swamps.Distinguished ladies and gentlemen, that was 4O-years ago.

La presente tesis se desarrolla en el ámbito académico del Departamento de Proyectos Arquitectónicos. Pese a tener un desarrollo acotado históricamente, este trabajo se origina a raíz de una serie de reflexiones que arrancan desde la actualidad. Estos interrogantes se enmarcan con el paisaje de fondo de los espacios de relación entre los usuarios. En la actualidad, los lugares de encuentro, circulación, ocio, etc., tanto a nivel urbano, como en lo referido al espacio doméstico intermedio, ha perdido un encaje y sentido de modo general. En la cultura de nuestro momento histórico, se han venido produciendo transformaciones profundas que implican cambios en el modo del habitar. Cambios que demandan los propios usuarios, de una manera silenciosa pero evidente. La arquitectura de la vivienda colectiva debería responder a esta demanda, y fomentar la formación entre individuos, a través de la formulación de espacios que generen esta relación y formación colectiva. Esta investigación origina reflexiones acerca de la vivienda colectiva, centrada no solo en el espacio doméstico en sí, sino en los lugares de intercambio y relación que median en el interior de los edificios colectivos de vivienda. La presente Tesis trata de indagar sobre la idea de SOPORTE. Bajo este concepto entendemos el espacio o elemento de unión que vincula a las viviendas entre sí. Se trata de un espacio de "engarce", de vinculación y de articulación entre las viviendas, y que ha ido perdiendo énfasis y decisión en el ámbito legislativo y de gestión de la arquitectura doméstica colectiva actual. Este trabajo se va generando como si se tratara del proceso de desarrollo de un proyecto. Es decir, trata de indagar previamente épocas históricas de la modernidad, mentalidades, desarrollos proyectuales entre la realidad y la utopía que son imprescindibles para plantear un cambio de estrategia en el proyecto de vivienda colectiva, fundamentalmente en el elemento de unión y de posible relación: El SOPORTE. Esta investigación, transcurre siguiendo un camino en zigzag, a través de determinados momentos y ejemplos que nos resultan rentables intelectualmente hablando, para los objetivos marcados. Se trata de referencias en las que se entrecruzan momento cultural y proyecto, realidades y alternativas. Debido a estas circunstancias, la tesis se estructura en cuatro grandes bloques, que se corresponden con momentos históricos diferentes, y en algún caso se produce algún solape cronológico. El primer bloque corresponde con la etapa histórica de la Europa de entreguerras. Por un lado se entresacan de la arquitectura soviética algunos ejemplos muy vinculados a la temática de esta tesis, y por otro lado se estudia el Plan Obús de Le Corbusier. Cabe destacar que según K. Frampton, fue Le Corbusier el encargado de intentar llevar a cabo una adaptación de las propuestas soviéticas a la cultura mediterránea y a la poética propia. El segundo gran bloque, enmarca el momento de inicio de recuperación europea, tras la gran devastación que supuso la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Se trata de un momento histórico plagado de intuiciones y sugerencias en el modo en el que la arquitectura debía tomar riendas para "recomponer" al individuo. Se plantea alternativas sobre soportes, desde el "mat-building", a los "cluster", desde "la calle en el aire", a la ciudad agrícola. A este tema se le suma la sugerencia sobre la participación del usuario, la vivienda progresiva y el soporte. El tercer gran apartado pretende esbozar las utopías alternativas, vinculadas a una idea de sociedad gestada tras la segunda Guerra Mundial. El soporte, es como un gran tablero de juego con el que hacer feliz al sujeto en sociedad. La ciudad espacial de Yona Friedman y la ciudad New Babylon de Constant son un buen ejemplo de ello. El último paquete de la investigación, aborda la labor de los grupos Archigram, Archizoom y Superstudio. Estos equipos pertenecientes a la "Arquitectura Radical", nos permiten indagar y cuestionarnos algunos temas de plena vigencia en el momento cultural y social relacionado con el espacio doméstico, la tecnología, redes sociales y el espacio íntimo. Esta tesis/proyecto, no es por tanto una tesis histórica, es una investigación que desempolva ejemplos, intuiciones y realidades que abordaron alguna de las reflexiones que se han expuesto. El objetivo de la tesis es el presente, pero como en cualquier tablero/pantalla de trabajo, no se comienza desde cero. Se comienza estudiando los precedentes, aquellas investigaciones, momentos y trabajos de la arquitectura pasada, que son casi recientes. Todo ello para colocar el punto de partida del proyecto desde el conocimiento de lo ya avanzado y ya propuesto.