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THIS ARTICLE ATTEMPTS TO SHOW THAT THE CONCEPTS OF PLURALISM AND OF THE VANGUARD HAVE BEEN SYNTHESIZED IN NICARARGUAN THEORY AND PRACTICE IN A MANNER THAT DOES VIOLENCE TO NEITHER OF THEM. FURTHER, IT HOPES TO SHOW THAT SUCH A SYNTHESIS CAN YIELD VALUABLE THEORETICAL INSIGHTS WHICH CAN GO BEYOND THE PARTICULAR CONTEXT OF CONTEMPORARY NICARAGUA, THE DYNAMISM OF CONTEMPORARY NICARAGAUN LIFE IS PARTIALLY DERIVATIVE OF THE COMBNATION IN PRACTICE OF TWO APPARTENTLY CONDICTORY NOTIONS. THIS EXAMPLE DEMONSTRATES THAT A CREATIVE APPROACH TO THE COMBINATION OF OLD POLITICAL IDEAS CAN YIELD PRACTICAL REALITIES THAT GO BEYOND OLD EXPECTATIONS.

One of the major principles of the Nicaraguan constitution is that the state guarantees the existence of political pluralism (Article 5). One clear aspect of such pluralism is the maintenance of a multiparty system. Yet it is also clear that the FSLN as the vanguard party sees its function as guiding the revolution. In this article, the author's concern is to show that the concepts of pluralism and of the vanguard have been synthesized in Nicaraguan theory and practice in a manner that does violence to neither of them

En este artículo se realiza un breve recorrido por algunos de los ensayos publicados en la primera mitad del siglo XX por Emilia Prieto Tugores en las siguientes revistas culturales y publicaciones periódicas costarricenses: Repertorio Americano, Diario La Tribuna y Semanario Trabajo. Dicho recorrido permitirá acercarse a los ensayos publicados por esta intelectual costarricense, con el fin de conocer cuáles eran sus principales preocupaciones en el ámbito de la política, el arte y la literatura, entre otros temas, y cuál fue su contribución al pensamiento latinoamericano de la primera mitad del siglo XX. ; This article offers a brief review of some of the published essays of the first half of the 20th century by Emilia Prieto Tugores in the following Costa Rican cultural newspapers and journals: Repertorio Americano, Diario La Tribuna y Semanario Trabajo. This review provides the opportunity to get to know the works of this Costa Rican intellectual with the final goal of knowing what were his principle preoccupations with the total scope of politics, art, and literature among other topics, as well as understand his contributions to Latin American thought of the first half of the 20th century.

Political, economic, and social policies of the FSLN government, including relations with Cuba; 7 articles. Partial contents: Pluralism and vanguardism in the Nicaraguan revolution, by Bruce E. Wright; The state of cultural democracy in Cuba and Nicaragua during the 1980s, by David Craven.

The crisis of Nigerian ruling class politics in the wake of a collapsing oil economy has made sections of the Left pin their hopes to a left military intervention. This essay is a critique of such positions. It is particularly concerned with recent attempts to offer scientific justification for attributing a leading revolutionary role to the military. The essay also discusses the theoretical backing provided by soviet writers for such 'military vanguardism'. Beckman argues that the left‐militarists fail to identify the social and political forces and conditions that can sustain such revolutionary military role. There is a neglect of class analysis and an incorrect identification of contradictions in society. There is an idealist understanding of the state and the basis of political power. There is a deficient grasp of the nature of imperialist domination and the extent to which antagonistic class relations have been firmly entrenched. Politically, Beckman argues, military vanguard theories divert attention from the primary task of building democratic political organisations capable of giving a democratic content and direction to the national revolutionary process. Not only are they diversionary, they pose a direct threat to that critical task. Despite protestations of the contrary, military vanguardism invites adventeurism, for which the left as a whole may have to pay dearly. The present disarray of the Ghanaian left and the suppression of democratic organisations in that country is a case in point.

Democracy & socialism are not separate concepts; socialism is a development of democratic relations. However, it has long been common to identify Stalinism with socialism. Stalinism can be defined in terms of state ownership, merging party & state power & suspending social power, suspension of democracy within the party, & limitations on individual liberty. These policies are essentially counterrevolutionary. Stalinism was not the inevitable result of the October Revolution, nor was it due to the underdevelopment of Russia; rather, it derived from the inner limitations of Bolshevism, including vanguardism, a one-party system, & growing detachment from the international workers' movement. The Stalinist system continues to exist as a bureaucratized political society whose primary end is not emancipation of the Wc but consolidation & maintenance of power. Rejection of this system of existing socialism opens a possibility of its rehabilitation. W. H. Stoddard.

Cover -- Half Title -- About the Book and Author -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Preface -- 1 Introduction: Marxism, Democracy, and Eurocommunism -- The Historical Break -- Four Marxist Strategies -- Democracy or Statism? -- The Rise of Eurocommunism -- 2 Beyond Vanguardism: The "Third Road" Strategy -- The Eclipse of the Leninist Party -- The Departure from Past Myths -- A Mediterranean Structural Reformism -- The Politics of the Transition -- 3 The PCI: A Party of Modernization? -- Capitalism and Rationalization -- Crisis, Immobilism, and Opposition -- The PCI's Rationalizing Ideology -- New Strategic Dilemmas -- An Economistic Model -- 4 The Limits of Structural Reformism -- Legitimation and the State -- Class Struggle or Corporatism? -- The Logic of Institutionalization -- A Party of a New Type -- What Kind of Democracy? -- 5 A Return to Social Democracy? -- Two Converging Traditions -- Eurocommunism, Crisis, and Transition -- Epilogue: Gramsci and Eurocommunism -- From Gramsci to Berlinguer -- Gramscian Strategy and the State -- Enter Togliatti -- Structural Reformism or Socialism? -- Notes -- Index.

Being far from a simple artistic and folkloristic expression, the symbolic significance of flamenco within the context of the Andalusian culture has increased during the last two decades as a consequence of the diversification of the artistic field in the era of globalization and the influence of revalorization of the local and the autochthonous. This article discusses some of the main arguments and their implications in the present politics of patrimonialization of flamenco from a critical point of view and based on the dialectics of cultural essentialism and artistic vanguardism. ; Lejos de ser una mera manifestación artística y folklórica, la carga simbólica del género flamenco en el marco de la cultura andaluza ha aumentado a lo largo de las últimas dos décadas debido a la diversificación del campo artístico en la era de la globalización y la consiguiente revalorización de lo local y lo autóctono. El presente artículo discute algunos de los argumentos centrales y las posibles consecuencias de la actual política de patrimonialización del flamenco con un enfoque crítico y a partir de la dialéctica entre esencialismo cultural y vanguardia artística.

In the 1980s a political concept of blackness was hegemonic, but is increasingly having to be defended, even within the sociology of race. This is to be welcomed and seven reasons are given why the concept harms British Asians. The use of `black' encourages a `doublespeak'. It falsely equates racial discrimination with colour-discrimination and thereby obscures the cultural antipathy to Asians and therefore of the character of the discrimination they suffer. `Black' suggests also a false essentialism: that all non-white groups have something in common other than how others treat them. The fourth reason is that `black', being evocative of people of African origins, understates the size, needs and distinctive concerns of Asian communities. Fifthly, while the former can use the concept for purposes of ethnic pride, for Asians it can be no more than `a political colour', leading to a too politicised identity. Indeed, it cannot but smother Asian ethnic pride-the pride which is a precondition of group mobilisation and assertiveness. Finally, advocates of `black' have tried to impose it on Asians rather than seek slower methods of persuasion, with the result that the majority of Asians continue to reject it. The new emphasis on multi-textured identities is therefore encouraging, as long as we are not simply exchanging a political for a cultural vanguardism.