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The poisoning of former Russian intelligence officer and MI6 agent Sergei Skripal highlights the enduring Russian ardor for poisoning enemies of the state as a warning to others who contemplate disloyalty. Beyond treating the event itself, we explore Russian conceptions of theatrical murder as a peculiar element of state power. We historicize this development and inquire whether assassination as political theater and strategic messaging is a tool embraced in particular by Vladimir Putin or rather emblematic of the Russian state. We explore why and how Putin opted to strike at the moment he did to seek vengeance against Skripal, concluding that a confluence of structural and human factors at the intersection of British government policies with Russian domestic politics led Putin to his decision. We conclude with the implications of these findings for western governments.

"Press notices": p. 357-372. ; The vengeance of the flag.--The mission of America.--Grant.--La Fayette.--Ben Franklin.--John A. Roebling.--Charles Minot.--The lawyer, Hamilton.--The proposed Hamilton statue.--The Philippines.--Judges.--The constitution between friends.--Ghosts and other creatures.--Induction of Chancellor MacLain.--Woman, politics, and religion.--A. P. A. ism.--"Quasi-political."--Judges and justice.--New York and the West.--The ladies.--Joseph H. Choate.--Governor Charles E. Hughes.--Justice Charles E. Hughes.--Mayor Mitchel. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Dans les »États et Empires de la Lune et du Soleil« de Cyrano de Bergerac, l'amitié joue un rôle essentiel face à un pouvoir politique souvent représenté comme injuste et oppressant. Les amis sont, en premier lieu, des alliés et des protecteurs auxquels le personnage peut faire appel pour se défendre contre un système hiérarchique et clientéliste dans lequel il ne trouve pas sa place. Par ailleurs, la relation entre amis, libérée des contraintes sociales publiques, s'épanouit également à l'écart de la cité. Dans ce cas, l'amitié ne s'oppose plus seulement à un fonctionnement politique: elle permet d'imaginer une relation alternative entre les hommes, la possibilité d'un nouveau corps commun fondé notamment sur un partage des plaisirs. Cependant, lorsque l'amitié devient inimitié, les règlements de comptes ont lieu non seulement sur la scène publique, mais selon les règles de la politique la plus brutale. ; In den »États et Empires de la Lune et du Soleil« von Cyrano de Bergerac spielt die Freundschaft eine zentrale Rolle als Gegenüber einer politischen Macht, die häufig als ungerecht und unterdrückerisch dargestellt wird. Die Freunde sind in erster Linie Verbündete und Beschützer, an die der Protagonist appellieren kann, um sich gegen das hierarchische und klientelistische System zu wehren, in dem er keinen Platz findet. Darüber hinaus blüht die Beziehung zwischen den Freunden, befreit von öffentlichen sozialen Zwängen, auch außerhalb des Gemeinwesens auf. In diesem Fall bildet die Freundschaft nicht nur einen Gegensatz zum politischen System: Sie ermöglicht auch, sich eine alternative Beziehung zwischen den Menschen vorzustellen, die Möglichkeit einer neuen Gemeinschaft, die sich insbesondere auf miteinander geteilte Freuden gründet. Wenn die Freundschaft jedoch zur Feindschaft wird, finden die Abrechnungen nicht allein in aller Öffentlichkeit statt, sondern auch nach den brutalsten Regeln des politischen Lebens.

This dissertation argues that colonial Yamasee communities moved hundreds of miles throughout the present-day Southeastern United States, often to gain influence, and maintained traditions such as names they more closely associated with their ethnicity and authority than ceramics. Self-identification by Yamasees in censuses, speeches, and letters for a century and archaeological evidence from multiple towns allows me to analyze multiple expressions of their identity. their rich rhetoric demonstrates the mechanics of authority—they dictated terms to Europeans and other Native Americans by balancing between, in their words, vengeance and mercy. I focus on a letter and tattoo from a warrior called Caesar Augustus who justified his valor and the writings of a diplomat named andres Escudero who justified retribution. Combined, these and other leaders demonstrate the flexibility in their offices of authority. their political rhetoric—both ritual speech understood throughout the region as well as their specific titles and town names—demonstrates continuities between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries. In addition, multiple movements of Yamasee communities across hundreds of miles demonstrates their agency and connections to their neighbors. These movements allowed Yamasees to dictate terms to Europeans and maintain town names, signs, and rhetoric for centuries. However, as a result of these community movements, Yamasees adopted the ceramic traditions of their neighbors. Considering the authority and ethnicity of Yamasees in their own words allows analysis of continuity and change in Yamasee landscapes of ceramic practice in Georgia, South Carolina, and Florida. More specifically, I analyzed materials from my own excavations at Mission San Antonio de Punta Rasa in Pensacola, Florida as well as assemblages excavated by the City of St. Augustine Archaeology Program and in South Carolina by Brockington and Associates. I quantify the extent to which Yamasees adopted the ceramic practices of their neighbors, including Guale, Mocama, Timucua, Apalachee, and Creek Indians. In a sense, this material flexibility reflects the very mobility and social connections that allowed them to maintain geopolitical influence. However, given their authority in Spanish documents and at times invisibility in the archaeological record, Yamasees show only indirect connections between authority and daily ceramic practice. Further, these ceramic practices, as well as Yamasee multilingualism, represent hybrid practices between multiple Native American groups rather than the influence of Europeans.

People often characterize revenge as unlawful and undesirable because it challenges the primacy of mercy, forgiveness, proportionality, and deterrence. Relying in part on the theories of Giorgio Agamben, Michel Foucault, Jacques Derrida, Carl Schmitt, and Walter Benjamin, I examine how nineteenth-century authors in the Americas treat revenge as a potentially law-making, law-preserving, and law-challenging form of violence. Specifically, the texts I analyze from the 1830s to 1850s employ the notion of exceptionalism to suggest that revenge is justified and even sometimes necessary for purportedly heroic protagonists when established law is in flux, is absent, or is unreliable--especially in borderlands or frontier spaces and during wartime. The authors have their individual protagonists rewrite law and act as sovereigns, blending biblical interpretations, natural law, lex talionis, and other beliefs to impose particular kinds of order on these exceptional locations and moments. In Chapter 1, I examine William Gilmore Simms's The Yemassee and how frontier romance authors generally depict Natives as vengeful, untrustworthy savages and whites as defenders of self and nation. In Chapter 2, I discuss how retellings of Hannah Duston's captivity and Robert Montgomery Bird's Nick of the Woods celebrate the acts of unlikely, feminized heroes as they kill and mutilate Native Americans. Chapter 3 focuses on the Parker captivities in Texas and George Lippard's 'Bel of Prairie Eden, wherein white, male Texans are depicted as defenders of white women's virtue and go on vengeful quests against the Comanche and Mexicans (respectively), ultimately exhibiting some ambivalence about whether revenge is fulfilling and justified. Finally, in Chapter 4 I analyze Maxwell Philip's Emmanuel Appadocca, the story of a black, Trinidadian pirate who challenges the rule of law and readers' ability to accept a mixed-race hero who uses his pirate ship and the space of the ocean to write revenge into law. This study informs scholarship on law and justice, race and gender, and American exceptionalism by linking literary studies to legal and political philosophy and considering revenge as a specific kind of violence that, when justified by individual authors and their protagonists, has had great effects on past and present politics

Punitive anti-crime policies in the Americas have contributed to steadily increasing rates of incarceration. This creates prison overcrowding and can lead to recidivism. Harsh penalties are often demanded by citizens, making them politically attractive for politicians. Yet the contextual determinants of participation in crime are rarely understood by the public. In this paper, we employ a survey experiment conducted in Chile in order to examine how the provision of information about the prison population shapes tastes for punitive anti-crime policies. Respondents in the treatment group received information about the low educational attainment of prisoners. This information led to substantial changes in policy preferences. Tasked with allocating resources to anti-crime policies using a fixed budget, treated respondents assigned between 20% to 50% more to socially oriented anti-crime policies (relative to punitive policies) than respondents in the control group, and they reduced their support for 'iron fist' policing. This indicates that providing information to citizens might change the policy equilibrium in the Americas.

[.] What drives Czech foreignpolicy and what prompted the changes noted above in particular?Arethesechanges the mark of a profound change of direction in Czech foreignpolicy or simply punctual contradictions resulting from domestic politicsspilling over into foreign policy? What are Prague's diplomatic prioritiesand foreign policy preferences at the EU level? How is the Czech Republiclikely to position itself in the changing international and Europeancontexts?This chapter purports to shed some light on thesequestions by contrastingCzech foreign policy then and now. It begins by presenting the historicalbackground, domestic sources, and past traditions in this policy. Itthen focuses in turn on three issue areas of key importance for Prague inEU foreign policy—namely,relations with the United States, relations withRussia,and policies towardthe Eastern neighborhood—andtraces the evolutionof Czech positions on thesedossiers. The conclusion summarizes thefindings and discusses the likely futuredirection of Czech foreign policy. [.]

[.] What drives Czech foreignpolicy and what prompted the changes noted above in particular?Arethesechanges the mark of a profound change of direction in Czech foreignpolicy or simply punctual contradictions resulting from domestic politicsspilling over into foreign policy? What are Prague's diplomatic prioritiesand foreign policy preferences at the EU level? How is the Czech Republiclikely to position itself in the changing international and Europeancontexts?This chapter purports to shed some light on thesequestions by contrastingCzech foreign policy then and now. It begins by presenting the historicalbackground, domestic sources, and past traditions in this policy. Itthen focuses in turn on three issue areas of key importance for Prague inEU foreign policy—namely,relations with the United States, relations withRussia,and policies towardthe Eastern neighborhood—andtraces the evolutionof Czech positions on thesedossiers. The conclusion summarizes thefindings and discusses the likely futuredirection of Czech foreign policy. [.]

Since 1995, prison overcrowding has mainly been caused by the massive increase in the number of awaiting trial prisoners. Attempts to reduce these numbers have met with some success. However these efforts are nullified by an increase in the number of sentenced prisoners. Legislation passed in 1997 providing for minimum sentences is now the main cause of overcrowding. The situation will be exacerbated by changes to the release policy as per sections 73 to 82 of the Correctional Services Act 111 of 1998 which came into effect on 1 October 2004.

Includes bibliographies. ; God's wrath results in divine acts of vengeance in favour of the powerless and the oppressed. This manifestation of anger is devoid of hatred and malice, for in the first epistle of John, love is equated with God in such a way that it is the personification of the divine Being (1 John 4:7-12). God's grace, forming the nexus between compassion and wrath, renders any suggestion of a contradiction in the divine nature untenable. Human vengeance is, however, an ambiguous concept. It emanates from human anger, which often includes hatred and malice. Nevertheless, this cannot simply be dismissed as a destructive force, as it can be a valid form of resistance. The crucial theological-ethical question arises: Can the wrath of God's children (human vengeance) legitimately reflect divine anger? The first part of the thesis deals with the historical content of God's wrathful children, focusing on the history of struggle in South Africa. The age-old history of injustices perpetrated against black people has generated a deep-seated anger, a dangerous socio-political rage that cannot be ignored. The central question is: How should black people handle their anger theologically? Given the multi-religious and -cultural South African context this issue needs addressing at an ecumenical level, while taking interfaith perspective into account. The Zealots of first-century Palestine, the late-medieval reformer Thomas Muntzer, and the African-American activist Malcolm X, wrestled with the interplay between faith and vengeance. Case studies of these revolutionaries are dealt with in the second part of the thesis, and assistance is sought from their experiences in clarifying our own theological formulation. The final part of the thesis argues that post-apartheid South Africa requires a comprehensive, inter-faith 'ethic of vengeance' to curb destructive black political rage.

International audience ; L'article étudie les différents types et degrés de haine (dans la mesure où une émotion peut être mesurée et catégorisée), en analysant son expression verbale dans les pages virtuelles de certains journaux et magazines d'Internet en Europe Centrale et Orientale. Les positions observées varient énormément selon l'éducation, la culture, l'appartenance politique de chaque personne, mais aussi selon la nationalité, l'expérience personnelle, le pays ou le lieu de résidence, et même selon l'orientation politique du journal. Nous avons observé les forums de douze journaux électroniques, six Bulgares et six Russes, tous de caractère et d'orientation politique différents. Dans les forums analysés nous percevons les manifestations d'une haine ouvertement affirmée à l'endroit des « autres », et même, plus rarement, d'appels à des représailles.

International audience ; L'article étudie les différents types et degrés de haine (dans la mesure où une émotion peut être mesurée et catégorisée), en analysant son expression verbale dans les pages virtuelles de certains journaux et magazines d'Internet en Europe Centrale et Orientale. Les positions observées varient énormément selon l'éducation, la culture, l'appartenance politique de chaque personne, mais aussi selon la nationalité, l'expérience personnelle, le pays ou le lieu de résidence, et même selon l'orientation politique du journal. Nous avons observé les forums de douze journaux électroniques, six Bulgares et six Russes, tous de caractère et d'orientation politique différents. Dans les forums analysés nous percevons les manifestations d'une haine ouvertement affirmée à l'endroit des « autres », et même, plus rarement, d'appels à des représailles.

This military, diplomatic, and journalistic study incisively investigates the complex War of 1812. Topically arranged into eight major chapters, this book accentuates several salient themes: Bickham reveals the military accomplishments and blunders of the British empire during this destructive warand also describes the state formation policies and activities of the American republic against the British. Finally, Bickham, who teaches at Texas A&M University, well examines the declining roles of Native American empires in America and in Canada. Bickham effectively utilizes newspaper accounts to substantiate his arguments and consequently has written a most persuasive study in comparative trans-Atlantic history.

This first critical collection on Delarivier Manley revisits the most heated discussions, adds new perspectives in light of growing awareness of Manley's multifaceted contributions to eighteenth-century literature, and demonstrates the wide range of thinking about her literary production and significance. While contributors reconsider some well-known texts through her generic intertextuality or unresolved political moments, the volume focuses more on those works that have had less attention: dramas, correspondence, journalistic endeavors, and late prose fiction. The methodological approaches incorporate traditional investigations of Manley, such as historical research, gender theory, and comparative close readings, as well as some recently influential theories, like geocriticism and affect studies. This book forges new paths in the many underdeveloped directions in Manley scholarship, including her work's exploration of foreign locales, the power dynamics between individuals and in relation to states, sexuality beyond heteronormativity, and the shifting operations and influences of genre. While it draws on previous writing about Manley's engagement with Whig/Tory politics, gender, and queerness, it also argues for Manley's contributions as a writer with wide-ranging knowledge of both the inner sanctums of London and the outer developing British Empire, an astute reader of politics, a sophisticated explorer of emotional and gender dynamics, and a flexible and clever stylist. In contrast to the many ways Manley has been too easily dismissed, this collection carefully considers many points of view, and opens the way for new analyses of Manley's life, work, and vital contributions to the full range of forms in which she wrote. - Amazon book description

Ma passion pour l'Afrique, en particulier pour le Kenya, a sans aucun doute son origine dans le mythe du monde originel, du paradis perdu que véhicule ce continent, en particulier ce pays. Je le concevais, depuis très longtemps, comme un lieu utopique peuple de personnes « authentiques ». Cette passion a toujours dépassé la simple curiosité touristique. C'est elle qui a guidé mes premiers pas vers l'anthropologie. Au mois de juillet 1993, est enfin venue l'heure de la confrontation entre un monde idéal que j'avais longtemps imaginé et la réalité. Je pressentais qu'en dépit du changement social je trouverai, en Afrique, au Kenya, ce que j'étais venue chercher : l'altérite radicale, le tout autre. Ce fut le cas. L'objectif de ce premier séjour était de savoir s'il était concrètement possible ou non d'entreprendre une étude anthropologique sur les Somali, ces pasteurs nomades qui peuplent la région du nord-est. Nombreux sont ceux qui m'avaient averti du danger d'une telle entreprise. Cette zone était, en effet, sur le point d'être déclarée zone militaire en raison de l'immigration incessante des réfugiés de Somalie, mais surtout d'un conflit politique interclanique meurtrier, localise à Wajir. Les Somali m'étaient décrits comme un peuple barbare, inhospitalier. Je pressentais que la réalité était quelque peu déformée. C'était le cas à en juger par l'accueil qu'ils m'ont réservé dans le district d'Isiolo. Intriguée par le conflit de Wajir, j'ai choisi d'en faire mon objet d'étude. Les deux questions intimement liées que je me posais étaient alors les suivantes : comment expliquer la violence de cette compétition politique qui ne peut apparemment pas être pacifique ? Comment est-elle vécue et perçue par les communautés impliquées et par leurs leaders ? Mon intuition, qui s'est transformée depuis en hypothèse, était qu'il devait y avoir interférence entre ce conflit et le système vindicatoire traditionnel utilise moins comme mode de régulation et de contrôle social que comme mode d'acquisition et de conservation du pouvoir.