Suchergebnisse

In Madīḥ al-karāhiya (The Praise of Hatred, 2006), Syrian novelist Khālid Khalīfa devotes his art to the literary representation of martyrdom. In this novel, the relationship between body, violence and identity is explored in order to represent and challenge any form of repression—be it political or religious—that ravaged Syria during the 1980s. The novel's female protagonist is a teenager from a Muslim family of Aleppo. Upset by the changes that are happening to her body—she is becoming a woman—her wish to escape sexual desire and to conceal the signs of her femininity brings her closer to a group of Muslim extremists who practice armed struggle. By focusing on this female character, Khālid Khalīfa questions the role of violence and religion in the process of the individual's subjectivation. The adolescent female body becomes the symbol of the individual's rejection of norms, a nonconformism that cannot be accepted by society. For the protagonist, martyrdom is the means to define her individual identity and to appropriate her body by imposing it on the public space and on her community. ; 1 ; open ; Non definito ; Dans Madīḥ al-karāhiya (L'éloge de la haine), roman publié en 2006, l'écrivain syrien Ḫālid Ḫalīfa se consacre à la représentation littéraire du martyre. Dans cette œuvre, la relation entre corps, violence et identité devient un moyen pour représenter et contester toute forme de pouvoir répressif – politique et religieux – ayant ravagé la Syrie pendant les années 1980. La protagoniste est une adolescente – issue d'une famille musulmane d'Alep – bouleversée par les changements de son corps. Sa volonté d'échapper à ses désirs sexuels et à la manifestation de plus en plus visible de sa féminité entraîne son rapprochement d'un groupe d'extrémistes musulmans qui pratiquent la lutte armée. En portant son attention sur l'individu féminin, Ḫālid Ḫalīfa s'interroge sur le rôle de la violence liée à la religion dans les processus de subjectivation des individus. Le corps féminin adolescent devient le symbole de ...

يسعى هذا البحث لتحليل العلاقة بين نموذجي الشمولية الذي وضعته أنّا أرندت والبيولوجيا السياسية الذي طوّره ميشيل فوكو، وإيجاد النقاط المشتركة بينهما، تأكيداً لأطروحة الاستمرارية الخطية والفكرية والمفاهيمية لهذين النموذجين، من جهة، وتحليل علاقة النموذجين بالديمقراطية من جهة أخرى، تأكيداً لأطروحة التضامن الغائي بين المفاهيم الثلاثة. ومن أجل إيجاد العلاقة بين الشمولية والبيولوجيا السياسية والديمقراطية الغربية، يجب تجاوز الصورة النمطية التي أعطيت للعلاقة بين الشمولية والديمقراطية التي تضعهما في شكل متقابلات. إن نموذج البيولوجيا السياسية، من خلال تركيزه على تكنولوجيات السيطرة على الجسد التي مورست في المجتمعات الغربية. ; The aims of this research is to analyze firstly the relationship between the totalitarianism paradigm of Hannah Arendt and biopolitical paradigm of Michel Foucault, and find the common points between the two concepts in order to confirm the linear, intellectual and conceptual continuity thesis of both paradigms. Secondely, we analyse the relationship between the two paradigms and liberal democracy in the age of modernity, in order to confirm the teleogical solidarity thesis between the three concepts. To find these relationships between totalitarianism, biopolitics and democracy, we must overlap the given stereotype than take the negative relationship between totalitarianism and democracy. However, the biopolitical paradigm, through its focus on control of bodies practiced in Western societies, can help to reformulate the relationship between totalitarianism and Western democracy, and confirm the historical solidarity between them, because the employment of both paradigms the same techniques and disciplines. To reach the goal of the study, we will first discuss the relevance of Michel Foucault constribution in the emerging of biopolitical paradigm, and secondely we present the redefinition tentatives of theis paradidm by Antonio Negri and Giorgio Agamben. Thirdely, we analyze the relationship between biopolitics and totalitarianism by comparing Arendt and Foucault ideas, in addition to the contributions Agamben and its "camp" paradigm, which confirm the historical solidarity relationship between totalitarianism and Western democracy. We conclude by presenting the democratic alternative of tatalitarianism and biopolitics, through the concept of radical democracy based on the contributions of radical thinkers, especially Antonio Negri.