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The relation between the working of democratic systems today and the exploitation of "modern" forms of politically motivated extreme violence, especially the different types of subversive terrorism, has been an object of thorough study and discussion at most varied levels in the course of recent decades, often with contradictory results. This is not a surprise bearing in mind the diversity of bases for such study and discussion, as well as the complexity and changing nature of the subject matter itself, and last but not least, also the deforming impact of different political factors which in many a case predetermined both the horizon of discussions and the character of "politically correct" or at least acceptable conclusions. This does not apply just to decayed political and propagandist writings displaying a remarkable dose of cynicism and lack of shame in serving the interests of power which decided who would be labelled "terrorist" or "freedom fighter", or else. There is a number of scientific works defending the principles and values of democracy which also display apparent effort to a priori exclude raising a particular problem in full in order to prevent any doubt being cast on the purposefulness and justifiability of traditional approaches to and standpoints regarding the assessment of political violence and extremism. At the same time, polemics regarding terrorism had a large impact. Discussions about terrorism changed the way the public felt about both terrorism as a particular category of extremist violence, and politically motivated violence and extremism as such, propagating and reinforcing the view of political violence (acceptance of violent methods of political fight including terrorism) as an utterly undemocratic and anti-democratic behaviour and as a key characteristic of extremism. There is a growing tendency in substantial part of the public in democratic countries today to a priori associate manifestations of extremist orientation with acts of politically motivated violence, and to identify ...

A review essay on a book by John Keane, Violence and Democracy (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge U Press, 2004). References.

A decade ago there emerged the idea that environmental cooperation is able to initiate and sustain a dialogue between the parties of a conflict and facilitates conflict transformation and peacebuilding. This article tests three hypotheses which stipulate conditions and effects of environmental cooperation in conflict-prone areas. The article shows that environmental cooperation can emerge even during a conflict, but only at a time when the intensity of the violence is low. The emergence and development of environmental cooperative projects also depends on the support of external actors, and the intensity of environmental cooperations in conflict-prone areas remains weak even after many years. Adapted from the source document.

This article deals with the relations between two different cultures existing within one state: the dominant culture is continental France & the peripheral one is the insular society of Corsica. This article reviews the historical background of the problem in France & subsequently analyzes the response of the administrative center to the Corsican independence struggle. Regarding the cultural, historical & political differences, the distinct experiences of these two cultures, the collective identity of the Corsican community & the institutionalization of its ethnic-regional representatives, the situation can be described as a center-periphery cleavage. The Corsican society -- asking for autonomy within the state or even for separation -- faces the domination of the administrative center. This independence struggle originates within the community, which is the reason why the dominant culture has several times modified its strategy for dealing with the demands & violence of Corsican patriots. The analysis illustrates the power & the limits of the independence struggle of this small island that is still economically dependent on France. 33 References. Adapted from the source document.

Year 2003 was meant to be the year that would change the Israeli-Palestinian conflict for good, but the violence continued on both sides. There was a new peace plan -- the roadmap -- & talk of a new Middle East. But as the year ended, the roadmap was not fulfilled. In an attempt to make the roadmap work, peacemakers invented a new post -- that of Palestinian prime minister. Mahmoud Abbas was the first man to try the new post. But he did not get very far. He spent most of his premiership in a power struggle with Mr. Arafat & he gave up. Last year a group of former Israeli officials & Palestinian ministers was promoting their own proposal the Geneva Accord. This plan details the exact dimensions of a two state solution. For now, it is just fantasy peacemaking -- but its backers are hoping that it could take hold as a serious alternative. Finally, there is the proposal which may be the most important of them all. Israel's Prime Minister Ariel Sharon has warned that he will impose what he calls his Disengagement Plan should the Palestinians fail to meet his demands for a new leadership & the dismantling of armed Palestinian factions. Ariel Sharon has decided to give the Palestinians a few months to comply -- he will not be any more specific than that. If they do not meet his terms & his timetable, he has warned that he will take unilateral steps to draw up his own borders & to impose a settlement in Israel's favor. 32 References. Adapted from the source document.

This article examines the development of framing processes of the so-called Roma movement in the Czech Republic after 1989. Although there have been studies describing several & predominantly general frames in relation to the Roma movement in post-Communist countries, there has still yet to be a systematic analysis. Using frame analysis we examine diagnostic, prognostic & motivational frames in three years1992, 1996, 2006. We find important variation over the years & speculate about possible explanatory factors such as changes in integration policies, the level of extreme-right violence, public debate, & opportunities in fundraising. The last part of the article focuses on European Union funding & its possible relation to framing. Adapted from the source document.

This article presents an analysis of the civil war and subsequent developments in Nepal through the concept of the failed state. The aim of the article is to evaluate whether Nepal meets the criteria for being recognised as a failed state. In the first part, the conceptualization of the term failed state and its general definition are introduced. The second part of the article focuses on methodology. Finally, the main part of the article presents an analysis of Nepal through the concept of the failed state, following theoretical concepts developed by Robert I. Rotberg. The authors conclusion is that contemporary Nepal should not be regarded as a failed state. Despite the chronic internal weakness of the country and its institutions, whose functions are in many cases carried out by parallel institutions, it is not possible to say that such functions were completely missing. Instead, we can say that the functions of these institutions and structures are limited -- that is, that these institutions are performing their functions, albeit partially. In addition, the level of violence that occurs in some areas is not comparable with the period when Nepal was experiencing deep internal armed conflict. Adapted from the source document.

The presented article aims to answer the question of what the future of militant Islamism in Somalia will look like after the defeat of the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC). This will be done by analyzing the roots of this phenomenon. Operationalization is based on the violent non-state actor model, as defined by Thomas, Kiser & Casebeer. Next, the most important actors in contemporary Somalia regarding militant Islam will be presented. The Manwaring paradigm will be used to help us understand the success of the UIC. The findings will then be extrapolated into the future to resolve the original analytical question. Adapted from the source document.

The article aims to review the political developments in African states throughout their recent post-colonial past. Uprooting political violence & anchoring a stable structure based on a society-wide consensus being just two of the several prerequisites for solving so many other problems which trouble Africa today, this article aims to diagnose at least some root causes & consequences of the generally unsatisfactory political situation on the continent. Having identified a set of political instability symptoms (coups d'etat, civil wars, failed putches etc.) the author first ranks African states according to their political instability rate. On the basis of statistical correlation analysis, the author then investigates the relation between political instability in Africa & a number of quantifiable geographical, demographical, military & economic variables. The author has identified some dispositions increasing -- though with only small statistical significance -- the probability of instability in African states. In order of importance, these include: large territory, high illiteracy rate, low urbanization, high number of ethnic groups living within the territory, & large population. Also, there is a close link between political instability & governmental military spending. It probably has a negative impact on a number of key economic indicators, be it GDP growth, GDP per capita levels, domestic savings, or price level developments. In the final part of his article, the author makes a brief summary of political developments in African countries in the 21st century. Tables, Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.

Offers four strategies of deconstructing gender symbolism, one of the methods & goals of contemporary feminist theory & practice - politics. (1) Lesbianism denaturalizes the institutions of 'compulsory heterosexuality.' (2) One can question the belief that sexual violence is the natural expression of male aggression, & women are men's victims. A better strategy seems to be to take the violence as a discursive matter that can be redescribed. If the narrative about successful resistance prevails over the narrative of woman as a natural victim, the aggressor's expectations can be changed. (3) Beauty discourses lead women to be weak, unable to resist violence, & susceptible to mental diseases like anorexia. (4) Maternity discourses associate women with maternity & see a woman's body as the subject of necessary control by the psychomedical sciences. They form an idea of woman's nature that is invariable & unchangeable. This notion is questioned by feminism as a serious limit on women's agency.