Suchergebnisse

Despite the progress in all fields, modern society is facing the development of the means of political violence. Technological development also has its dangerous side. Many researches in the field of science are often carried out for the sake of military needs, and scientific researchers are often misused in military purpose. Political violence represents one of the greatest threats for the democratic development and human rights in contemporary society. The main goal of this paper is to analyze the position of political violence in contemporary society, particularly focusing on its covert use by the great powers, which is often justified by the struggle for democracy and achieving human rights. In that sense this paper is divided into two parts. The first part analyzes the globalization process, underling that this process has double face, whose negative side can significantly contribute to the spread of political violence. In the second part the author deals with the relations between policy and violence in contemporary society. The paper underlines the need for critical approach to political violence. This critical approach is crucial for understanding of political violence which is the first step in the fight against it. Political violence is not always negative and sometimes can have a positive role, especially when it comes to defensive war and combating terrorism. But the main problem here is that this can be misused to justify political violence in general. What is positive and what is the negative role of political violence often depends on the perspective of observation. Unfortunately, it seems that the privilege to enforce the standard today is reserved only for great powers, and they have become main judges who decide when political violence is to be approved of or not. This is the way in which a war becomes humanitarian interventions, protection of human rights, etc. That is why it is of great importance to encourage and initiate all actions in science which aim to understand and counter this complex phenomenon.

Abstract : Domestic violence is a human problem, because in it there is a dimension of human rights violations. Law No. 23 of 2004 on the Elimination of Domestic Violence are limitative have determined the distribution of the roles of each stakeholder in handling domestic violence cases. Stakeholders involved include the government as a representation of the state, NGOs, families, advocates, law enforcement officers, medical workers and clergy personnel. The number of stakeholders involved in the handling of domestic violence menginditifikasikan that domestic violence is a serious human rights crimes. Porposional division of roles between the state and the non-state institutions in the handling of domestic violence shows these regulations relevant to the concept of civil society in Indonesia.Abstrak : Kekerasan dalam rumah tangga adalah persoalan kemanusiaan, karena di dalamnya berdimensi pelanggaran hak asasi manusia. Undang-Undang Nomor 23 Tahun 2004 tentang Penghapusan Kekerasan Dalam Rumah Tangga, telah menentukan distribusi peran masing-masing pemangku kepentingan dalam menangani kasus-kasus kekerasan dalam rumah tangga. Pemangku kepentingan yang terlibat termasuk pemerintah sebagai representasi negara, LSM, keluarga, advokat, aparat penegak hukum, tenaga medis dan rohaniawan. Jumlah pemangku kepentingan yang terlibat dalam penanganan kekerasan dalam rumah tangga mengindetifikasikan bahwa kekerasan dalam rumah tangga adalah kejahatan hak asasi manusia. Pembagian porposional peran antara negara dan lembagalembaga non-pemerintah dalam penanganan kekerasan dalam rumah tangga menunjukkan peraturan hukum tersebut relevan dengan konsep masyarakat madani di Indonesia.

U prvom delu rada ukazuje se na načelne nomotehničke propuste zakonodavca. Potom se analiziraju najznačajnije odredbe Zakona, poput onih o neposrednoj opasnosti od nasilja u porodici u smislu Zakona. U centralnom delu rada obrađene su zakonske novine u postupanju policije, s posebnim osvrtom na odredbe o hitnim merama koje po Zakonu o sprečavanju nasilja u porodici izriče policija. Pri tom, ukazuje se na propuste stručnih obrađivača u formulisanju odredaba o analizi rizika, zadržavanju, i onih koje se odnose na naređenje kojim se izriču hitne mere. Takođe, dotiču se i pitanja sudske zaštite od nasilja u porodici. Kao poseban problem ističe se (u zaključku) odsustvo delotvorne prekršajne odgovornosti učinilaca nasilja u porodici, a to bi se moglo otkloniti de lege ferenda izmenama analiziranog zakona, Zakona o JRM i Zakona o prekršajima. ; In the first part, the paper points to general nomotechnical omissions of the lawmaker. Next, it analyses the most important provisions of the Act, such as those concerning the immediate threat of domestic violence within the meaning of the Act. Central part of the paper deals with legislative novelties pertaining to police conduct, with special reference to the provisions on urgent measures whose issuance the Act on Prevention of Domestic Violence vests in the police. It thereby points to the flawed formulation by professional legislative drafters of the provisions on risk assessment, detention, and ones relating to the order imposing urgent measures. Additionally, it touches upon the issues of judicial protection against domestic violence. As a special problem, the author emphasizes (in the Conclusion) the absence of effective misdemeanour liability for the perpetrator of domestic violence, which could be solved by de lege ferenda amendments to the analysed Act, the Public Order and Peace Act and Misdemeanour Act.

Indonesian education so far has kept a problem that has not received the attention of all stakeholders, namely sexual violence that occurs to students. Victims are faced with the power relations of educational institutions whose reputation is tarnished because of cases of sexual violence. The existence of social media as a social driver is able to mobilize cases of sexual violence on Campus to become a national issue. This prompted the Ministry of Education and Culture to issue Ministerial Regulation no. 30 of 2021 concerning the prevention and handling of sexual violence in universities. This research focuses on critical discourse analysis of this Ministerial Regulation. This research is a descriptive-qualitative research type. To gain comprehensive power of qualitative research analysis, the research phase requires the power of reason which is the source of analytical ability (Arikunto, 2010). The scalpel uses the critical discourse analysis technique of Norman Fairclough's model. The main study is focused on microstructural (text), mesostructure (discourse practices), and macrostructural (sociocultural practices) data. The study results are, first, this regulation is motivated by the phenomenon of the iceberg of sexual violence in the university environment. The government feels the need to provide legal certainty to perpetrators and victims. Second, in this regulation, the government uses educational narratives, prevention, and handling, protecting whistleblowers, and restoring victims' rights. Third, this regulation impacts the social life of the community through various responses. ; Pendidikan Indonesia selama ini menyimpan sebuah permasalahan yang belum mendapat perhatian dari segenap pemangku kepentingan yaitu kekerasan seksual yang terjadi pada peserta didik. Korban dihadapkan pada relasi kuasa institusi Pendidikan yang tidak nama baik Lembaga tercoreng karena kasus kekerasan seksual. Keberadaan sosial media sebagai penggerak sosial mampu memobilisasi kasus kekerasan seksual pada sebuah kampus menjadi isu nasional. Hal ini lantas membuat kemendikbud mengeluarkan Peraturan Menteri No. 30 tahun 2021 tentang pencegahan dan penanganan kekerasan seksual di lingkungan Perguruan Tinggi. Penelitian ini berfokus pada analisa wacana kritis terhadap peraturan Menteri ini. Penelitian ini termasuk jenis penelitian deskriptif-kualitatif. Untuk mendapatkan kekuatan komprehensif tentang analisis penelitian kualitatif, tahap penelitian memerlukan kekuatan akal yang merupakan sumber kemampuan analisis (Arikunto, 2010). Adapun pisau bedahnya menggunakan teknik analisis wacana kritis model Norman Fairclough. Kajian utama ditumpukan pada data mikrostruktural (teks), mesostruktural (praktik wacana), dan makrostruktural (praktik sosiokultural). Hasil penelitian yaitu, pertama, peraturan ini di latar belakangi oleh fenomena gunung es tindak kekerasan seksual di lingkungan perguruan tinggi. Pemerintah merasa perlu untuk bertindak memberikan kepastian hukum kepada pelaku dan korban. Kedua, dalam peraturan ini pemerintah menggunakan narasi yang bersifat edukasi, pencegahan, penanganan, perlindungan pelapor, dan pemulihan hak-hak korban. Ketiga, peraturan ini memberikan dampak bagi kehidupan sosial masyarakat melalui respons-respons yang cukup beragam.

Криминалистичко-полицијска академија и Фондација Ханс Зајдел, уз подршку Мини-старства унутрашњих послова Републике Србије и Министарства просвете, науке и тех-нолошког развоја Републике Србије, пети, јубиларни пут организују научно-стручни скуп са међународним учешћем "Насиље у Србији – узроци, облици, последице и друштвене реакције".Зборник садржи 77 радова, чији су аутори еминентни стручњаци из области права, без-бедности, криминалистике, полицијских наука, форензике, као и припадници националног система безбедности који учествују у едукацији припадника полиције, војске и других служ-би из Велике Британије, Италије, Словачке, Пољске, Белорусије, Албаније, Словеније, Хрват-ске, Македоније, Републике Српске, Федерације БиХ и Србије.Радови су рецензирани од стране компетентних стручњака и садрже приказ савремених тенденција у развоју система полицијског образовања, савремених концепата безбедности и криминалистике, као и анализу активности правне државе у спречавању и сузбијању криминалитета, стања и кретања у овим областима, али и предлоге за њихово системско превазилажење у оквиру међународне полицијске сарадње.

Abstract : This study is about PKDRT law. It gives us information that domestic violence is a real thing that happens in our society, especially in Kudus. On the one hand, civil society actually has a formula to prevent the authority and rights of their family life with PKDRT (legal elimination of domestic violence) law. On the other hand, the government has a responsibility to eliminate violence, force and coercion in family life as referred to in 11, 12 and 13 of Law No. 23 of 2004. But the most important thing is that the courage of society to show concern and the seriousness of the government to take action when violence occurs. This research shows that domestic violence is a result of power imbalance between the weak dan the strong in our society where many women that represent the weak became a victim. Abstrak : Penelitian ini adalah tentang hukum PKDRT. Ini memberi kita informasi bahwa kekerasan dalam rumah tangga adalah hal nyata yang terjadi dalam masyarakat kita, terutama di Kudus. Di satu sisi, masyarakat sipil sebenarnya memiliki formula untuk mencegah wewenang dan hak-hak kehidupan keluarga mereka dengan PKDRT (penghapusan hukum kekerasan dalam rumah tangga) hukum. Di sisi lain, pemerintah memiliki tanggung jawab untuk menghapus kekerasan, kekuatan dan pemaksaan dalam kehidupan keluarga sebagaimana dimaksud dalam 11, 12 dan 13 Undang-Undang Nomor 23 Tahun 2004. Tapi yang paling penting adalah bahwa keberanian masyarakat untuk menunjukkan perhatian dan keseriusan pemerintah untuk mengambil tindakan saat terjadi kekerasan. Penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa kekerasan dalam rumah tangga adalah hasil dari ketidakseimbangan kekuatan antara lemah Dan yang kuat dalam masyarakat kita di mana banyak wanita yang mewakili lemah menjadi korban.

The subject matter of research in this paper is theoretical controversy related to the definition of right-wing extremism. Given the fact that extremism is a variable, amorphous and insufficiently researched phenomenon, largely conditioned by time, space, political and cultural differences, there is a great confusion in the field of political science when defining right-wing extremism. The problem of researching right-wing extremism is additionally complicated by various terms that are being used in the contemporary literature as its synonyms, such as right-wing radicalism, neo-Fascism, ultra-radicalism, etc. In order to provide the most valid theoretical determination of right-wing extremism, the author provides a detailed analysis of all the components constituting this phenomenon and examines their causality. In the political praxis, the term extremism is extensively abused, which additionally complicates its determination. Videlicet, politicians often use term 'extremist' in order to discredit their political opponents. While during the French revolution aristocracy saw the bourgeoisie as extremists, the members of the working class later stated that the bourgeoisie were extremists. The problem lies in the fact that, in politics, extremists are not only the ones who use violence as modus operandi; indeed, it is also used by political opponents who do not belong to the extreme political option. Another aggravating factor in defining right-wing extremism is that many administrative and academic definitions do not make a clear distinction between extremism and related phenomena, such as terrorism, radicalism and populism. Extremism is most often equaled with terrorism, which gives rise to another problem in defining this phenomenon. The relation between extremism and terrorism is the relation of general and specific. Namely, every act of terrorism is concurrently considered to be an act of extremism, but not vice versa, given the fact that every act of extremism does not lead towards a higher level of political violence (i.e. towards terrorism). Even in the terms of legal sanctioning, it is much easier to incriminate terrorism in comparison to extremism. The Serbian criminal legislation envisages relevant punishment for committing an act of terrorism, without even mentioning extremism, which implies that there is no penalty prescribed for committing an act of extremism. Despite numerous academic and administrative definitions on the concept of extremism, there is still a lack of a balanced approach to defining right-wing extremism, which is also largely conditioned by political definitions. The most prominent problem in addressing the social phenomena such as right-wing extremism lies in the fact that these social phenomena are dynamic and, in order to be analysed in a scientifically objective manner, they must be examined in the specific temporal, spatial and socio-political context.

Rezension von: Bax, Mart: Medjugorje - Religion, politics, and violence in rural Bosnia. Amsterdam : VU Uitgeverij, 1995. XIX,139 S

Crime and violence pose a serious challenge to Mexico. The problem appears to be growing worse, with 2011 on pace to become the most violent year on record. The rising violence in Mexico has resulted in a sharply heightened sense of fear among citizens, who now feel the presence of cartels in their every day lives. The use of extortion and kidnapping by cartels combined with a lack of trust in security forces terrorizes the population and makes them feel like they have no where to turn. Despite this fact, crime rates in Mexico remain lower than in other parts of Latin America. Venezuela, for example, has among the highest homicide rates in the world. Yet the pervasive infiltration of cartels into public life gives Mexicans a heightened sense of the severity of violent crime in their own country. Although accurate statistics are hard to come by, it is quite possible that 60,000 people have died in the last six-plus years as a result of armed conflict between the Mexican cartels and the Mexican government, amongst cartels fighting each other, and as a result of cartels targeting citizens. Mexico has been struggling with drug production and drug transit through its territory from South America to the U.S. for many decades, given the fact that it is the most important transit country for drug production originating from South America. In recent years, the escalating violence in Mexico has led to dramatic deterioration of the security situation. Recent wave of drug-war violence is associated with the beginning of the term of President Felipe Calderón in December 2006. The immediate implications of his assumption of the presidency and his hard-line policy, which he has applied against drug cartels and organized criminal groups across the country, were the deployment of Mexican army to fight cartels and the gradual weakening of the influence of local and state police at the expense of federal troops. This was done in order to combat corruption and collaboration of local law-enforcement institutions with drug trafficking organizations (DTOs). The consequence of such a policy, however, has been increased violence among rival cartels and between them and the federal police and military, resulting in a dramatic increase of the number of victims. The future of US-Mexican counter drug cooperation, as well as of the whole bilateral relation in the area of security, depends on the outcome of US presidential elections. As for Mexico, Enrique Peña Nieto takes the office on December 1, 2012 that will mark a comeback of his party PRI after 12 years in opposition. As far as the security strategy of the future Mexican President is concerned, there are no significant changes to be expected. Peña Nieto seems to be aware of the current situation and its consequences as well as of the inevitability of an extremely close and dynamic mutual cooperation with the US.