Suchergebnisse

The COVID-19 pandemic led to family and routine reorganization, triggering social problems. Women were further exposed to domestic violence, especially intimate partner violence (IPV), with consequences to their and their children's health. However, few Brazilian studies address the issue, especially considering the pandemic and its restrictive measures. The objective was to verify the relationship between mothers'/caregivers' IPV and their children's neuropsychomotor development (NPMD) and quality of life (QOL) during the pandemic. Seven hundred one female mothers/caregivers of children (0-12 years old) responded to the online epidemiological inquiry. NPMD was investigated with the Caregiver Reported Early Development Instruments (CREDI-short version); QOL, with the Pediatric Quality of Life Inventory (PedsQL™); and IPV, with the Composite Abuse Scale (CAS). The independence chi-square test was used, with Fisher's exact statistics, in SPSS Statistics 27®. Children whose mothers were exposed to IPV were 2.68 times as likely to have a "low" QOL score (χ2(1) = 13.144, P < .001; φ = 0.137). This indicates a possible environmental influence on the children's QOL, which may have been aggravated by strict social distancing during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Cuban playwright José Triana has published works that stage domestic crimes committed through Afro-Cuban rituals, which gest explore the physical and sound possibilities of the word, giving greater relevance to "space poetry" (Artaud) than to verbal language. The article aims to analyze in Medea en el espejo (published in 1960) and La noche de los asesinos (published in 1965) the ways in which violence responds to an aesthetic search for Triana, which puts the Artaud's program into dialogue with African religious practices. While other studies have already examined continuities between La noche de los asesinos and the cruelty theater, the signs of the setting have not yet been addressed and this appropriation of Artaud in Medea en el espejo has not yet been analyzed. By examining the dramatic text and the virtuality of the spectacular text, we will try to observe that these depictions of cruelty can be read as an act of emancipationof racist, male and Western power. Such aesthetic choices —the Afro-American traditions, the body's preponderance over the word and the discursive ambiguity— are part of a political operation by Triana, who responds to debates about the social function of theatre through works that resist homogenization and colonization. ; El dramaturgo cubano José Triana ha publicado obras que escenifican crímenes intrafamiliares cometidos a través de rituales afrocubanos, que exploran al máximo las posibilidades físicas y sonoras de la palabra, dando mayor relevancia a la "poesía del espacio" (Artaud) que al lenguaje verbal. El presente trabajo se propone examinar en Medea en el espejo (publicada en 1960) y La noche de los asesinos (publicada en 1965)las maneras en que la violencia responde a una búsqueda estética de Triana, la cual pone a dialogar el programa de Artaud con las prácticas religiosas africanas. Si bien otros estudios ya han examinado continuidades con el teatro de la crueldad, aún no se ha atendido a los signos de la puesta ni se ha abordado dicha apropiación de Artaud en Medea en el espejo. Mediante un examen del texto dramático y de la virtualidad del texto espectacular, intentaremos observar que estas representaciones de la crueldad pueden ser leídas como un acto de emancipación del poder racista, masculino y occidental. Sus elecciones estéticas —la recuperación del archivo negro, el predominio del cuerpo sobre la palabra y la ambigüedad discursiva— forman parte de una operación política de Triana, quien responde a los debates sobre la función social del teatro mediante obras que se resisten a la homogeneización y la colonización.

El dramaturgo cubano José Triana ha publicado obras que escenifican crímenes intrafamiliares cometidos a través de rituales afrocubanos, que exploran al máximo las posibilidades físicas y sonoras de la palabra, dando mayor relevancia a la "poesía del espacio" (Artaud) que al lenguaje verbal. El presente trabajo se propone examinar en Medea en el espejo (publicada en 1960) y La noche de los asesinos (publicada en 1965)las maneras en que la violencia responde a una búsqueda estética de Triana, la cual pone a dialogar el programa de Artaud con las prácticas religiosas africanas. Si bien otros estudios ya han examinado continuidades con el teatro de la crueldad, aún no se ha atendido a los signos de la puesta ni se ha abordado dicha apropiación de Artaud en Medea en el espejo. Mediante un examen del texto dramático y de la virtualidad del texto espectacular, intentaremos observar que estas representaciones de la crueldad pueden ser leídas como un acto de emancipación del poder racista, masculino y occidental. Sus elecciones estéticas —la recuperación del archivo negro, el predominio del cuerpo sobre la palabra y la ambigüedad discursiva— forman parte de una operación política de Triana, quien responde a los debates sobre la función social del teatro mediante obras que se resisten a la homogeneización y la colonización. ; Cuban playwright José Triana has published works that stage domestic crimes committed through Afro-Cuban rituals, which gest explore the physical and sound possibilities of the word, giving greater relevance to "space poetry" (Artaud) than to verbal language. The article aims to analyze in Medea en el espejo (published in 1960) and La noche de los asesinos (published in 1965) the ways in which violence responds to an aesthetic search for Triana, which puts the Artaud's program into dialogue with African religious practices. While other studies have already examined continuities between La noche de los asesinos and the cruelty theater, the signs of the setting have not yet been addressed and this appropriation of Artaud in Medea en el espejo has not yet been analyzed. By examining the dramatic text and the virtuality of the spectacular text, we will try to observe that these depictions of cruelty can be read as an act of emancipationof racist, male and Western power. Such aesthetic choices —the Afro-American traditions, the body's preponderance over the word and the discursive ambiguity— are part of a political operation by Triana, who responds to debates about the social function of theatre through works that resist homogenization and colonization.

Bill introduced by the Texas Senate relating to the duration of certain protective orders against family violence.

How do post-conflict societies contain large-scale criminal violence when state security forces that committed atrocities during a civil war remain unpunished and become key players in the criminal underworld? This article explores the impact on violence reduction of internationalized prosecution (IP): cooperation agreements between an international organization and a country's public prosecutors to dismantle state-criminal networks through judicial action. We assess the IP process by which the United Nations–sponsored International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG) and Guatemala's law enforcement dismantled over 70 criminal structures led by death squads and the civil war military establishment. Using synthetic control models, we estimate that Guatemala's IP process plausibly prevented the occurrence of between 20,000 and 30,000 homicides, from 2008 until 2019. Case studies show how IP contributed to violence reduction by removing criminal structures and deterring both state-criminal collusion and the state's use of iron-fist militarized policies against crime.

Evitar la radicalización violenta es uno de los grandes debates y desafíos que nos encontramos hoy en las sociedades occidentales. Aunque no toda radicalización hay que vincularla directamente ni con la violencia ni con el terrorismo, hay que prevenir la radicalización a priori para que esta no desemboque en los procesos mencionados. Del mismo modo, la implantación de medidas adecuadas para hacer frente a los procesos de desradicalización y que sean efectivas se presenta como algo muy necesario. El conocimiento de la terminología es de vital importancia para entender el significado, desarrollo y realidad de los términos que se presentan en esta publicación, así como para prevenir la manipulación política de los mismos por parte de los actores estatales y no estatales. ; Avoiding violent radicalization is one of the great debates and challenges that we find today in Western societies. Although not all radicalization must be linked directly to violence or terrorism, we must prevent a priori radicalization so that it does not lead to the aforementioned processes. In the same way, the implementation of adequate and effective measures to deal with de-radicalization processes is something very necessary. The knowledge of the terminology is of vital importance to understand the meaning, development and reality of the terms presented in this publication, in order to prevent its political manipulation by state and non-state actors.

The study of radicalization and de-radicalization, understood as processes leading towards the increased or decreased use of political violence, is central to the question of how political violence emerges, how it can be prevented, and how it can be contained. The focus section of this issue of the International Journal of Conflict and Violence addresses radicalization and de-radicalization, seeking to develop a more comprehensive understanding of the processes, dynamics, and mechanisms involved and taking an interdisciplinary approach to overcome the fragmentation into separate disciplines and focus areas. Contributions by Penelope Larzilliere, Felix Heiduk, Bill Kissane, Hank Johnston, Christian Davenport and Cyanne Loyle, Veronique Dudouet, and Lasse Lindekilde address repressive settings, legitimacy, institutional aspects, organizational outcomes, and dynamics in Europe, Asia, Africa, and North and South America. Adapted from the source document.

El propósito de este artículo es contrastar las interrogaciones de Hannah Arendt y Maurice Merleau-Ponty con respecto al vínculo entre violencia y contingencia de la acción política. Intento mostrar que, si bien ambos pensadores comparten que la acción tiene un carácter incierto e imprevisible, para Arendt la violencia se opone a la política en cuanto se erige como medio ordenador y controlador de la contingencia de la acción, mientras que, para Merleau-Ponty, la violencia es parte constitutiva de la ambivalencia que caracteriza a la acción entre varios. Al final del artículo discuto el lugar de esta ambivalencia en el pensamiento de Arendt sobre la violencia. ; The purpose of this article is to contrast Hannah Arendt and Maurice MerleauPonty's thoughts regarding the connection between violence and the contingency of political action. Although both thinkers consider that action is uncertain and unpredictable, I intend to show that for Arendt violence is opposed to politics because it is a means of controlling and ordering the contingency of action, while for Merleau-Ponty violence is a constitutive part of the ambivalence that characterizes action in plural. At the end of the article I discuss the place of this ambivalence in Arendt's thought on violence. ; Fil: Paredes Goicochea, Diego Felipe. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales. Instituto de Investigaciones "Gino Germani"; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de Mar del Plata. Facultad de Humanidades; Argentina

AbstractThis study explored Black and Latinx youth organizers' experiences of racism within national gun violence prevention organizing spaces. Interview data were analyzed from 17 Black and/or Latinx youth (Mage = 20.17, 47% women) across the United States who organized against gun violence. The findings identified three forms of racism that Black and Latinx organizers experienced in national organizations: (1) being tokenized for their racial identities and experiences without having real decision making power; (2) feeling a burden to educate their white peers about the structural causes of gun violence and how to improve organizing spaces for other youth of color; and (3) being silenced in their racially conscious organizing efforts to address the structural causes of gun violence in their communities. This research highlights how Black and Latinx youth gun violence prevention organizers contend both with structural racism in their everyday lives and racism in organizing spaces.