Suchergebnisse

AbstractThe political utility of ethnicity is typically attributed to the ease with which it can be observed. However, ethnic visibility is not universal, and I argue that its variation has political implications; namely that more visible group members support ethnic parties at higher rates because they have the most to gain (or lose) from ethnopolitical competition. Using original data from Malawi, I find that individual‐level ethnic visibility is indeed strongly associated with ethnic party support. I provide further evidence that visibility induces party support instrumentally by shaping expectations about others' ability to correctly infer ethnic belonging. I also show that the theory generalizes to the group level, with more visible ethnic groups across Africa being more likely to vote ethnically. These results qualify a central assumption in instrumental theories of ethnic politics—that ethnic identities are always visible—and help explain variation in the success of ethnic political mobilization.

Abstract
Identification documents are essential for the recognition of individuals within the nation-state. By denying trans people the right to change the M or the F on these documents, governments perpetuate perceptions of trans people as frauds and of trans bodies as fake. Examining both legal examples and ethnographic data, the article calls attention to the current attempts to formulate a national gender identity law in Guatemala. Doing so, we discuss trans visibility as contentious. Because of the need for social inclusion, including access to services, trans activist organizations work to make trans people visible within the nation-state. At the same time, changing the sex marker on their identification documents could make trans populations more vulnerable to surveillance. Therefore, trans activists seek to ensure that trans individuals' status and history as transgender is rendered invisible in these legal name and sex changes. The article argues that the apparent tension between visibility and invisibility, made evident in the process of drafting the gender identity law, can be understood only in the context of local trans discourses that aim to claim inclusion in normative gender categories through renegotiating the meaning of men and women.

Abstract
Through an examination of how the art world engages with transness, the piece begins with an exploration of why we need an understanding of trans subjectivity that is not beholden to or subsumed by the art world's overriding attention and interest in queer subjectivities and concerns. The author then describes how trans methodologies are applied within their artistic and curatorial practice and how those methodologies are situated within the broader context of the art world. Particular focus is given to codes as both the subject (social, governmental, and technical codes) and medium (visual and computer codes) of the author's work.

Censor Joseph Breen took issue with Ellen Berent, the lead character in Leave Her to Heaven (1945), terminating her pregnancy by dramatically throwing herself down a flight of stairs, even though the Production Code would not explicitly forbid on-screen abortions until 1951. Yet the abortion ultimately made it into the final print because, by Breen's logic, an abortion is unrecognizable as such so long as it is not named. However, archival research suggests that Breen was wrong on both counts. Considering a wide array of archival records—Production Code Administration files and correspondence, early script drafts, audience preview screening responses, reviews, and more—this article argues that the discrepancies between Leave Her to Heaven's censorship history and its reception illustrate popular morality eclipsing prescribed morality. The film was both a catalyst of the 1951 Code amendment banning abortion and an early harbinger of the dissolution of the PCA's stranglehold over abortion as taboo.