Suchergebnisse

The small Central European powers, (re)born in the aftermath of World War I on the basis of a forty-eighter nationalist discourse of freedom of peoples to self-determination, but with a political personal marked by the conservative and business-minded nationalism of Bismarckian Realpolitik and an intellectual world already sensitive to a modernizing ideological mix of nationalist mobilization, hygienist social engineering and aggressive ethnic preference. Therefore, these countries appear much more than mere objects, victims of the two totalitarian regimes that frame their space geographically and their fate chronologically during the "century of extremes". As such, Romania is iconic, having massively generated between the two world wars the home-grown politicians of right-wing extremism with a strong fascist trend capable of integrating imperialist and genocidal Nazis projects. Then, after a period of imposed Stalinism, it has developed a model of national-communism mixing productivist Stalinist voluntarism, ultranationalist mobilization recycling old fascist ideologues conveniently out of prisons, state interference into the innermost social life and a heterodox diplomatic model able to attract Western partners. Finally, after 1989, democratization and transition in a difficult economic context favored the continuation of populism in many shapes, including with explicit references to fascism and national-communism - sometimes with the same staff - despite the adoption of rules and institutions necessary for integration of very poorly demanding euro-Atlantic structures. ; Les petites puissances centre-européennes (re)naissent au lendemain de la Première Guerre mondiale sur la base d'un discours nationaliste quarante-huitard de liberté des peuples à disposer d'eux-mêmes, mais avec un personnel politique marqué par le nationalisme conservateur et affairiste de la Realpolitik bismarckienne et un monde intellectuel déjà sensible à un mix idéologique modernisateur fait de mobilisation nationaliste, d'ingénierie sociale hygiéniste et de préférence ethnique agressive. Dès lors, ces pays apparaissent bien davantage que de simples objets, victimes des deux totalitarismes qui encadrent géographiquement leur espace et chronologiquement leur destin durant le " siècle des extrêmes ". À ce titre, la Roumanie est emblématique, ayant massivement généré entre les deux guerres mondiales le personnel politique autochtone d'un extrémisme de droite avec une forte composante fasciste capable de s'intégrer aux projets impérialistes et génocidaires nazis. Puis, après une phase de stalinisme imposé, elle a élaboré un modèle de national-communisme mêlant volontarisme productiviste stalinien, ultranationalisme mobilisateur recyclant les anciens idéologues fascistes opportunément sortis des prisons, immixtion étatique jusque dans la vie la plus intime de la société et modèle diplomatique hétérodoxe sachant séduire les partenaires occidentaux. Enfin, après 1989, la démocratisation et la transition dans un contexte socioéconomique difficile ont favorisé la continuité d'un populisme aux formes multiples, y compris avec des références explicites au fascisme et au national-communisme - avec reprise du personnel parfois -, malgré l'adoption des institutions et des règles nécessaires aux intégrations de structures euro-atlantiques fort peu regardantes.

The small Central European powers, (re)born in the aftermath of World War I on the basis of a forty-eighter nationalist discourse of freedom of peoples to self-determination, but with a political personal marked by the conservative and business-minded nationalism of Bismarckian Realpolitik and an intellectual world already sensitive to a modernizing ideological mix of nationalist mobilization, hygienist social engineering and aggressive ethnic preference. Therefore, these countries appear much more than mere objects, victims of the two totalitarian regimes that frame their space geographically and their fate chronologically during the "century of extremes". As such, Romania is iconic, having massively generated between the two world wars the home-grown politicians of right-wing extremism with a strong fascist trend capable of integrating imperialist and genocidal Nazis projects. Then, after a period of imposed Stalinism, it has developed a model of national-communism mixing productivist Stalinist voluntarism, ultranationalist mobilization recycling old fascist ideologues conveniently out of prisons, state interference into the innermost social life and a heterodox diplomatic model able to attract Western partners. Finally, after 1989, democratization and transition in a difficult economic context favored the continuation of populism in many shapes, including with explicit references to fascism and national-communism - sometimes with the same staff - despite the adoption of rules and institutions necessary for integration of very poorly demanding euro-Atlantic structures. ; Les petites puissances centre-européennes (re)naissent au lendemain de la Première Guerre mondiale sur la base d'un discours nationaliste quarante-huitard de liberté des peuples à disposer d'eux-mêmes, mais avec un personnel politique marqué par le nationalisme conservateur et affairiste de la Realpolitik bismarckienne et un monde intellectuel déjà sensible à un mix idéologique modernisateur fait de mobilisation nationaliste, d'ingénierie sociale hygiéniste et de préférence ethnique agressive. Dès lors, ces pays apparaissent bien davantage que de simples objets, victimes des deux totalitarismes qui encadrent géographiquement leur espace et chronologiquement leur destin durant le " siècle des extrêmes ". À ce titre, la Roumanie est emblématique, ayant massivement généré entre les deux guerres mondiales le personnel politique autochtone d'un extrémisme de droite avec une forte composante fasciste capable de s'intégrer aux projets impérialistes et génocidaires nazis. Puis, après une phase de stalinisme imposé, elle a élaboré un modèle de national-communisme mêlant volontarisme productiviste stalinien, ultranationalisme mobilisateur recyclant les anciens idéologues fascistes opportunément sortis des prisons, immixtion étatique jusque dans la vie la plus intime de la société et modèle diplomatique hétérodoxe sachant séduire les partenaires occidentaux. Enfin, après 1989, la démocratisation et la transition dans un contexte socioéconomique difficile ont favorisé la continuité d'un populisme aux formes multiples, y compris avec des références explicites au fascisme et au national-communisme - avec reprise du personnel parfois -, malgré l'adoption des institutions et des règles nécessaires aux intégrations de structures euro-atlantiques fort peu regardantes.

Pollution Control Agreements (PCA) are a particular feature of the Japanese environmental policy landscape. PCAs are being credited with having helped reduce Japan's post-war pollution problems substantially. They are often regarded as voluntary agreements (VA) without question. But are PCAs indeed VAs? To answer this question, local government and private industry interaction in the run-up to PCA conclusion is examined. The approach used to do this is Fritz Scharpf's Actor-Centered Institutionalism framework, a simplified type of game theory, that is tailored for policy research and is positioned on a medium level in terms of abstraction. A game-theoretical model showcasing typified government-industry interaction is constructed on the basis of academic literature and empirical data, e.g. interviews and surveys. With the help of this model, conclusions regarding the actors' motivations are drawn: What drives PCA formation is not the abstract threat of alternative regulation, which is routinely present in VAs. It is instead a threat of a more immediate nature, and is often related to administrative guidance, itself a somewhat unique feature of Japanese policy-making. An immediate threat of this kind is inconsistent with the definition of VAs. PCAs cannot therefore be classified as VAs. Instead, they should be viewed as an informal type of command and control regulation that is flexible and potentially very effective while at the same time lacking in terms of transparency and accountability. ; Pollution Control Agreements (PCA) sind eine Besonderheit der Japanischen Umweltpolitik. Ihnen wird zugeschrieben, bei der Bewältigung der Umweltprobleme im Nachkriegs-Japan sehr geholfen zu haben. Häufig werden PCAs als Voluntary Agreements eingeschätzt. Aber sind PCAs tatsächlich VAs? Um diese Frage zu beantweorten wird die Interaktion von lokaler Regierung und privater Industrie im Vorfeld des Abschlusses von PCAs untersucht. Als Rahmen wird dabei Fritz Scharpfs Akteurszentrierter Institutionalismus verwendet, ein vereinfachter spieltheoretischer Ansatz, der speziell auf politikwissenschaftliche Forschung zugeschnitten ist und sich auf einer mittleren Abstraktionsebene bewegt. Auf der Grundlage von wissenschaftlicher Literatur und empirischen Daten, z.B. Interviews und Umfragen, wird ein spieltheoretisches Modell entwickelt. Auf der Grundlage dieses Modells werden dann Schlussfolgerungen bezüglich der inneren Motivationen der Akteure gezogen. Was zum Abschluss von PCAs führt ist nicht die abstrakte Drohung alternativer Regulierung, welche standardmäßig in VAs eine Rolle spielt. Die Drohung in diesem Kontext ist unmittelbarerer Natur und steht in Zusammenhang mit Administrative Guidance, selbst ein einigermaßen besonderes Charakteristikum japanischer Politik. Eine derart unmittelbare Drohung ist unvereinbar mit der Definition von VAs. PCAs, so die Schlussfolgerung, können daher nicht als VAs betrachtet werden. PCAs sollten stattdessen als eine besondere Form von Command And Control Regulation betrachtet werden, die effektiv und flexibel ist, der es aber zugleich an Transparenz und Rechenschaftspflicht mangelt.

Si entendemos a la extensión como lo que reflejan las definiciones que adoptaron universidades latinoamericanas en los últimos años, vemos que la vieja concepción de la extensión como acción extramuros, como servicio o como una mera transferencia de información (hecha idea o artefacto) fue reemplazada por concepciones más inclusivas, horizontales e integradoras. El concepto de "doble vía" es crucial en este contexto. Sin embargo, en términos prácticos, ni los presupuestos crecientes –siempre escasos-, ni las definiciones –con una carga de intencionalidad y voluntarismo muy grandes-, ni las políticas –poniendo el acento en actividades de lo más diversas- parecen alcanzar. En este sentido, ¿por qué no debatir sobre categorías instaladas y deconstruir incluso lo que parece haberse naturalizado de la doble vía? ¿Tenemos que pensar a la "doble vía" como un límite o la podemos considerar, hoy, como una transición hacia una mirada más profunda que involucre nuevas discusiones? ¿Qué herramientas conceptuales tenemosa disposición para llevar a cabo prácticas extensionistas críticas y coherentes con los desafíos actuales? Proponemos una mirada problematizadora de la formación de las y los agentes de extensión y más allá del "deber ser" de las definiciones hoy políticamente correctas en la bibliografía más reciente. En definitiva, queremos identificar ciertas naturalizaciones y proponer una mirada crítica, referidas a: a) los sistemas de conocimiento, b) políticas y política; c) género y d) las cuestiones medioambientales. Explorar este recorte para reflexionar sobre los fundamentos actuales de la extensión es un ejercicio que pretende nutrir las intervenciones, pero sobre todo las iniciativas de formación de quienes llevan a cabo acciones de extensión. ; In recent years, Latin American universities have replaced the old conception of extension as an extra-wall action (service or a mere transfer of information) by more inclusive, horizontal and integrative conceptions. The concept of "double track" is crucial in this context. However, in practical terms, neither the budgets, always scarce, or the definitions, with a very large load of intentionality and voluntarism, nor the policies, emphasizing the most diverse activities, seem to be sufficient. Why not discuss installed categories and deconstruct even what seems to have been naturalized? Do we have to think of the "double track" as a limit or can we consider it, today, as a transition to a deeper look that involves new discussions? What conceptual framework is available to carry out extension practices coherent with the current challenges? We propose problematizing the formation of extension agents beyond the "must be" of the politically correct definitions. In brief, we want to identify certain naturalizations and to propose a critical view, referring to: a) knowledge systems, b) policies and politics; c) gender issues and d) environmental issues. Exploring this, to reflect on the current theoretical basis of extension is an exercise that aims to nurture interventions, but above all, enhance education and training initiatives of those who carry out extension actions. ; Facultad de Ciencias Agrarias y Forestales

This paper examines imaginaries of work and labor in "open technology" projects (especially open source software and hackerspaces), based on ethnographic research in North America. It zeroes in on "diversity initiatives" within open technology projects. These initiatives are important because they expose many of the assumptions and tensions that surround participatory cultures. On the one hand, these projects and spaces are organized around voluntarism; in theory, everyone who wishes to participate is welcome to do so. On the other hand, diversity initiatives form in order to address the "problem" of imbalance in the ranks of participants. Technology is a unique domain for the discharge of political energies. In collective imagination, it has been vested with the power to initiate change (even as this belief obscures the role of social and economic relations). Multiple ideas circulate about the relationships between diversity in open technology projects and paid labor. This paper argues that in part due to the legacy of technical hobbies as training grounds for technical employment for much of the twentieth century, as documented by historians of radio (Douglas, 1987; Haring, 2006), voluntaristic technology projects are vexed sites for imagining political emancipation. To a large degree, diversity initiatives in open technology projects are consistent with corporate values of diversity as a marketplace value. At the same time, collectivity formations around technology that incorporate feminist, antiracist, or social justice framings may begin to generate connections between diversity advocacy in tech fields and social justice movements or policy changes in order to effect deep social change. ; Este trabalho examina imaginários sobre trabalhar e do trabalho em projetos de "tecnologia aberta" (especialmente os softwares livres e hackerspaces), a partir de pesquisa etnográfica na América do Norte. Centra em "iniciativas de diversidade" dentro de projetos de tecnologia aberta. Essas iniciativas são importantes porque expõe muitas das ideias e tensões que circunscrevem culturas participativas. Por um lado, estes projetos e espaços são organizados voluntariamente; em teoria, qualquer um que deseja participar é bem vindo. Por outro, iniciativas de diversidade se foram para lidar com o "problema" do desequilíbrio entre os participantes. A tecnologia é o único espaço para descarregar as tensões políticas. Na imaginação coletiva, tem sido vista com o poder de iniciar mudança (mesmo essa crença obscurece o papel das relações sociais e economias). Múltiplas ideias circulam sobre as relações entre diversidade em projetos de tecnologia abertos e trabalho remunerado. Este artigo aponta que em parte por causa do legado de hobbies técnicos como espaços de treino para o trabalho técnico em grande parte do século vinte, como documento pelos historiadores do rádio (Douglas, 1987; Haring, 2006), projetos tecnológicos voluntários são espaços para imaginar a emancipação política. Em grande parte, iniciativas de diversidade em projetos tecnológicos abertos são consistentes com valores corporativos de diversidade e valor de mercado. Ao mesmo tempo, formações coletivas em tecnologia que incorporam perspectivas feministas, anti-racistas, ou justiça social podem começar a gerar conexões entre advocacy de diversidade em campos tecnológicos e movimentos de justiça social ou mudanças políticas visando uma profunda mudança social.

This paper examines imaginaries of work and labor in "open technology" projects (especially open source software and hackerspaces), based on ethnographic research in North America. It zeroes in on "diversity initiatives" within open technology projects. These initiatives are important because they expose many of the assumptions and tensions that surround participatory cultures. On the one hand, these projects and spaces are organized around voluntarism; in theory, everyone who wishes to participate is welcome to do so. On the other hand, diversity initiatives form in order to address the "problem" of imbalance in the ranks of participants. Technology is a unique domain for the discharge of political energies. In collective imagination, it has been vested with the power to initiate change (even as this belief obscures the role of social and economic relations). Multiple ideas circulate about the relationships between diversity in open technology projects and paid labor. This paper argues that in part due to the legacy of technical hobbies as training grounds for technical employment for much of the twentieth century, as documented by historians of radio (Douglas, 1987; Haring, 2006), voluntaristic technology projects are vexed sites for imagining political emancipation. To a large degree, diversity initiatives in open technology projects are consistent with corporate values of diversity as a marketplace value. At the same time, collectivity formations around technology that incorporate feminist, antiracist, or social justice framings may begin to generate connections between diversity advocacy in tech fields and social justice movements or policy changes in order to effect deep social change. ; Este trabalho examina imaginários sobre trabalhar e do trabalho em projetos de "tecnologia aberta" (especialmente os softwares livres e hackerspaces), a partir de pesquisa etnográfica na América do Norte. Centra em "iniciativas de diversidade" dentro de projetos de tecnologia aberta. Essas iniciativas são importantes porque expõe muitas das ideias e tensões que circunscrevem culturas participativas. Por um lado, estes projetos e espaços são organizados voluntariamente; em teoria, qualquer um que deseja participar é bem vindo. Por outro, iniciativas de diversidade se foram para lidar com o "problema" do desequilíbrio entre os participantes. A tecnologia é o único espaço para descarregar as tensões políticas. Na imaginação coletiva, tem sido vista com o poder de iniciar mudança (mesmo essa crença obscurece o papel das relações sociais e economias). Múltiplas ideias circulam sobre as relações entre diversidade em projetos de tecnologia abertos e trabalho remunerado. Este artigo aponta que em parte por causa do legado de hobbies técnicos como espaços de treino para o trabalho técnico em grande parte do século vinte, como documento pelos historiadores do rádio (Douglas, 1987; Haring, 2006), projetos tecnológicos voluntários são espaços para imaginar a emancipação política. Em grande parte, iniciativas de diversidade em projetos tecnológicos abertos são consistentes com valores corporativos de diversidade e valor de mercado. Ao mesmo tempo, formações coletivas em tecnologia que incorporam perspectivas feministas, anti-racistas, ou justiça social podem começar a gerar conexões entre advocacy de diversidade em campos tecnológicos e movimentos de justiça social ou mudanças políticas visando uma profunda mudança social.

В статье рассматриваются теоретические вопросы юридической конфликтологии, правового положения медиатора и его роли в альтернативном разрешении конфликтов, а также правовые вопросы реализации процедуры медиации в Российской Федерации. Объектом исследования являются возможности медиатора в оказании квалифицированной юридической помощи. Предмет исследования составляют теоретические представления о сущности способов альтернативного разрешения споров, примирительных процедур, роли медиатора при оказании квалифицированной юридической помощи доверителям, а также нормы национального и международного права, регламентирующие вопросы подготовки квалифицированных специалистов в области медиации и деятельностью медиатора в урегулировании юридических конфликтов. Также в статье анализируются принципы его деятельности в законодательном и до-ктринальном выражении; подчеркивается неоднозначность подходов в определении их системы в российском и европейском законодательстве и в научной литературе; более подробно характеризуются принципы добровольности, конфиденциальности, независимости и беспристрастности медиатора, его профессионализма; отмечается целесообразность выделения принципа ответственности в медиации с ее пониманием как в позитивном, так в негативном аспектах. Принципы медиации выступают в качестве исходных факторов статуса медиатора, в том числе в его функциональном выражении. Характеристика функций медиатора приводится в статье на основе анализа конфликтологической литературы, поскольку легально они не получили четкого оформления. В статье освещаются следующие функции: организационная, аналитическая, контрольная, а также активного слушания, генерации идей, расширения ресурсов, сохранения психологического климата и обучения; отмечается возможность обособления побуждающей (стимулирующей) функции медиатора. На основании результатов проведенного анализа авторами предпринимается попытка конкретизации положения медиатора в процедуре урегулирования юридических конфликтов. ; The theme of the present article covers the theoretical issues of legal conflicts, alternative dispute resolution, the legal position of a mediator and its role in conflict resolution, as well as legal issues in the implementation of Russian mediation procedure. The investigation is concerned with mediator possibilities in providing of qualified legal assistance. Theoretical concepts of the nature of ways of alternative dispute resolution, mediation procedures, the role of mediator in providing of qualified legal assistance principals are a subject of research. In addition, the study also regards the norms of national and international law regulating issues related to the preparation of qualified specialists in the field of mediation and the mediator in resolving of legal conflicts. The article analyzes the principles of the main activities of the mediator in their legislative and doctrinal terms, emphasizes ambiguous approaches in determining its system in Russian and European legislation and in scientific literature, characterized in detail the principles of voluntarism, privacy, independence and impartiality of a mediator, his professionalism. Practicability of allocating of responsibility principle in mediation with understanding of it in positive and negative aspects are noted. Principles of mediation serve the initial beginnings of mediator status, including its functional expression. Mediator characteristic functions are given in the article basing on the analysis of conflictological literature since by legal means they did not receive distinct formalization. The article highlights the organizational, analytical, control functions, the functions of active listening, generate ideas, expand resources, preservation of the psychological climate of learning. The possibility of separation of motivating (stimulating) mediator function is mentioned. The authors attempted by means of analysis specifying position mediator in the process of settlement of legal conflicts.

Статья посвящена историографическому анализу изучения реформы управления промышленностью, которая была начата по инициативе Н. Хрущева в 1957 г. с целью перехода от отраслевого принципа руководства экономикой через министерства к территориальной системе управления через советы народного хозяйства. Отмечено, что в современной украинской и российской научной литературе не сложилась однозначная оценка опыта регионализации управления промышленностью. Наблюдается довольно широкий набор рассуждений от полного отрицания реформы к сплошной ее апологии. ; The article is concerned with historiographical analysis of the research of the reform of management of industry launched at M. Khrushchev's initiative in 1957 for the purpose of switching from the field-based principle of managing the economy through the ministries to the territorial system through the Regional Economic Councils. It is possible to distinguish between four periods of accumulating historical knowledge of the reform of management of industry by the Soviet humanities: the first period since the beginning of the research in the late 1950s till M. Khrushchev's demise; the second period -since the mid 1960s till the late 1980s; the third period since the late 1980s till the early 1990s; the fourth period which began in 1991and is going on nowadays. The research of the first period concerned with the aforementioned transformation is distinguished by being appreciably obsolete. In the second period the research was rapidly developing due to the voluntarism with which Brezhnev's government was challenging most of M. Khrushchev's reforms. Since the beginning of the third period this novation was rejected as an absolutely administrative one. In the fourth period the research of the Regional Economic Councils was slowly developing in two independent fields, such as research of the economic policy and research of the Regional Economic Councils as territorial agencies of management of industry. During the third and the fourth periods the research of the reformation of the management system undergoes influence of western researchers' observations, including the observations presented by emigrants from Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic and representatives of the Ukrainian diaspora (Y. Bilinsky, B. Vynar I. Maistrenko, G. Boffa, A. Katsenelinboigen, N. Werth, G. Hosking). Foreign scientists were the first to see M. Khrushchev's desire to gain support of the regions in order to undercut the ministries' influence along with the desire to resolve the economic problems. A characteristic feature of the fourth period was the advent of the memoirs by representatives of the Ukrainian republican political and governmental establishment, such as O. Liashko and I. Pogribniak which are distinguished by viewing the reformation carried out in M. Khrushchev's epoch from the view point of the Ukrainian interests. It is noteworthy that there is no unambiguous evaluation of the experience of the regional industry in Ukrainian (O. Voroshylov, P. Gordiienko, V. Baran, V. Danylenko, O. Danylin, A. Sarzhan, O. Garmash, L. Krutova, O. Reshetniak, A. Buzhdezhan) and Russian (I. Blagykh, O. Leibovych, V. Shestakov) scientific literature of the fourth historiographical period. Rather a wide range of observations is observed: from challenging the very fact of the reform to considering it to be an absolute apology.

Like any other document, the new edition of the CPSU Programme also offers itself for varied interpretations. Recently approved, the Programme reflects the culmination of the campaign of 'deKhrushchevisation', which was started by Brezhnev and his colleagues just immediately after the dismissal of Khrushchev from the highest post of the Soviet Communist Party. A reading of various documents, such as reports submitted to Party Congresses held in the period from 1964 to 1986, convey that all these documents expressed different shades of the 'deKhrushchevisation' campaign. It is indeed interesting to study the unfolding and the ultimate accomplishment of the 'deKhrushchevisation' campaign. The present paper is an elaboration of the view that the Soviet polity has witnessed in the period of more than two decades since October 1964 an accomplishment of the campaign of "deKhrushchevisation." It was the frontal Khrushchevian attack on Stalin which made the 20th CPSU Congress of 1956 a highly significant event in the annals of Soviet history. The world, however, noticed within eight years after this event that Nikita Khrushchev himself was relieved of the responsibilities of the Party Chief in the USSR. And then the successors of Khrushchev undertook the campaign of 'deKhrushchevisation', of course, in a very skilled manner. They were thus quite different in their practice, if compared to their predecessor. As everybody knows, Khrushchev showed extraordinary enthusiasm, first in openly denouncing Stalin in the 20th Party Congress and later in removing Stalin's dead body from the Kremlin Mausoleum in the 22nd Party Congress. Brezhnev and his colleagues, on the other hand, relied on using symbolic words and phrases such as 'subjectivism', 'voluntarism', "harebrained schemes", and so on while criticising their predecessor. We thus observe that the sophisticated manner in which the Khrushchevian policies and practices were criticised by Brezhnev and Kosygin indicated a change in style on the part of the new leadership. Later events revealed that Khrushchev's successors changed not only the style but also the programmes and policies of Khrushchev as well. It was Andropov who became the Party-Chief after the death of Brezhnev. His term, of course, proved to be a short affair. Chernenko, who later occupied the post of the Party Chief was again in office for a short time. What is notable is the fact that Andropov, and Chemenko as well, carried forward during their short tenures the legacy of reversing Khrushchevian acts. Mikhail Gorbachev, the present incumbent of the highest post in the CPSU, seems to be quite enthusiastic in putting an end to the excessively utopian and romantic ideas propagated by Nikita Khrushchev. The New captain of the CPSU has indeed completed the campaign of deKhrushchevisation. We must first of all, analyse the genesis of the 'deKhrushchevisation' campaign. This sort of analysis must be followed by the review of the campaign proper. Such a review will enable the reader to know not only the content but also the different phases of the whole campaign. Finally we propose to compare and contrast the redrafted Party Programme with the original draft approved during the 22nd Party Congress under the leadership of Khrushchev.

Die Rechtfertigung politischer Macht ist Voraussetzung ihrer Legitimität. Das Buch systematisiert die Erscheinungsformen dieser liberalen Intuition und entwickelt unter Rekurs auf John Rawls die Idee, Legitimität durch öffentliche Rechtfertigung zu generieren. Auf der einen Seite verteidigt es den politischen Liberalismus als eine für pluralistische Gesellschaften geeignete Legitimitätstheorie, die die demokratischen Institutionen innewohnenden normativen Potentiale verwirklichen hilft. Auf der anderen Seite lotet es seine Grenzen aus und argumentiert, dass öffentliche Rechtfertigung nicht alle Bürger gleichermaßen adressiert: Die Verteidiger liberaler Legitimität müssen sich über die beschränkte Reichweite ihrer Begründungsressourcen im Klaren sein.

Introduction. The problem of the effectiveness of decision-making in the scientific sense of the concept was addressed by representatives of various sciences.The problem of decision-making as the will of man, from Socrates to the present day, attracts the attention of philosophers, psychologists, sociologists and others.Refinement of the specifics of the choice of personality was considered in the context of philosophical and psychological category of action.Decision-making is a complex psychological entity that has a multifaceted structure in place.Purpose. Actualization of the problem of decision making, familiarization with the philosophical and psychological views of prominent domestic and foreign scientists and approaches to the classification of decision making in traditional studies.Methods. Review and analytical study of literature.Originality. Consideration of the problem in historical retrospect showed that the considered theoretical problem of decision-making attracted the attention of philosophers and educators, cybernetics and sociologists, psychologists and physiologists, which testifies to its interdisciplinarity and relevance.In the writings of thinkers of the past, decision-making was viewed from the standpoint of voluntarism as the ability of a person to make moral choices and determine their behavior regardless of external regulations.Decision-making and implementation of decisions are accompanied by a struggle of emotions, feelings and ends with going beyond the motivational sphere.Decision-making is related to the choice between freedom and bondage, the importance of the spiritual (as opposed to the material world), with the eternal categories of good and evil and is the true cause of real human freedom.In foreign psychology, decision-making is viewed in the context of determination by will, reason, random impulse, fear; as a choice between multiple valencies in psychological field theory; as a fragment of the cycle of experience in the psychology of personal constructs; as a manifestation of free will and intentionality.It is shown that in modern psychology the phenomenon of "decision making" has been studied as a cyclical process in the theory of mental turnover; as an essential phase of a will act; as realization of a personal act; as personal norms and values; as a result of personality-motivational and mental regulation.Conclusion. It should be noted that, to date, there is no single generic psychological theory of decision-making in psychological science, but a representative set of concepts and private models have been developed to describe and explain people's behavior in decision-making situations.In trying to determine the basis of a methodological approach to the consideration of this issue, there is a need to integrate all previously accumulated in the psychology and related sciences of various information, their refraction through their life, life and scientific experience.This leads to the existence of many different approaches to the problem of choice and decision making, parallel to those existing in the related sciences and scientific currents, which study their own perspective of decision-making. ; В данной статье изложены научные предпосылки возникновения и развития проблемы принятия решения в историческом и современном контексте; проанализированы философско-психологические взгляды выдающихся отечественных и зарубежных ученых; рассмотрены подходы к классификации принятия решения в традиционных исследованиях и современные представления о системе психологических факторов принятия решения. ; В даній статті викладені наукові передумови виникнення та розвитку проблеми прийняття рішення в історичному та сучасному контексті; проаналізовано філософсько-психологічні погляди видатних вітчизняних та зарубіжних вчених; розглянуто підходи до класифікації прийняття рішення в традиційних дослідженнях і сучасні уявлення про систему психологічних факторів прийняття рішення.

Uroš Predić je rođen 1857. u Orlovatu u Banatu, tada delu Austrougarske monarhije. Školske godine 1876/77. upisao je Akademiju likovnih umetnosti u Beču. Godine 1876, podstaknut sukobima u Crnoj Gori i Bosni, naslikao je prvu verziju Bosanskih begunaca. Nakon odlaska iz Beča Predić se obreo u Berlinu, Minhenu i drugim centrima germanskog sveta u kojima je mogao da upozna savremene tendencije u slikarstvu, kao i moderna kulturna i idejna strujanja. Osobito su dekadentni pesimizam, kao i simbolistička strujanja, mogli da utiču na sazrevanje mladog intelektualca i njegov dalji razvojni put. Krajem XIX i početkom XX veka došlo je do otuđenosti pojedinaca u vreme rađanja velikih kolektiviteta i sveopšte militarizacije društva. Do 1914. godine naslikao je niz slika prožetih pesmističnim patosom, od kojih se nekolicina posredno može okarakterisati kao antiratne i antiegzistencijalne predstave. U vreme Velikog rata naslikao je nekolicinu utopijskih slika koje su posredno iskazivale umetnikov humanistički i antiratni stav. Totalno razaranje i destrukcija izazvani Prvim svetskim ratom pogodovali su teskobnoj Predićevoj prirodi da po okončanju sukoba naslika Kosovsku devojku, ikoničnu sliku srpskog naroda. ; Uroš Predić (1857-1953) was born on 7 December 1857 in Orlovat, a region of Banat, then part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. In school year 1876/1877, Predić enrolled at the Academy of Fine Arts in Vienna (Akademie der bildenden Künste). In 1876, motivated by the conflicts in Montenegro and Bosnia, he painted the first version of Bosnian Fugitives. Leaving Vienna, Predić found himself in Berlin, Munich, and other centers of the Germanic world where he was able to get acquainted with contemporary trends in painting, as well as with modern cultural and conceptual trends. It was, in particular, the decadent pessimism, as well as the currents of Symbolism, that could have affected the maturing of a young intellectual and his further personal and professional growth. In 1886, Predić moved to Belgrade, an indisputable - integrative symbol of the entire Serbian ethnics. In 1887, Predić presented an unusual allegorical image titled Vision in the Clouds. Uroš Predić, a subject of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, painted an antiwar and, conditionally speaking, an anti-Austrian painting. The critique of the contemporary society through the allegorical representation ofa downfall confirmed Predié as the supporter of Schopenhauer and his voluntarism. In 1889 he painted Bosnian Fugitives. This large patriotic image evokes events related to the Herzegovina uprising in the village of Nevesinje in 1875, with a special emphasis on the refuge of Serbian fugitives on Kozara. The painter's unquestionable patriotism was overshadowed the sadness of the entire world, at the time when the new - and young Serbian nation was looking for expressive and dynamic art. Some decadent elitism was recorded in the painter's opus at the beginning of the - twentieth century. The Circle of Serbian Sisters commissioned from Predić in - 1914 the painting Kosovo Maiden with the intention to reproduce and distribute it widely. The painting in its present form was finally completed in 1919. The total destruction and devastation caused by the First World War - made it difficult for Predić's nature to make an iconic image of the Serbian nation after the end of the conflict. The interwar climate in the Kingdom of-Yugoslavia was largely dominated by an official, representative culture, which confirmed Predić's vision that his work would again be up-to-date. State stability and peacetime also produced new social circumstances within which Predić's artworks were revived.

The executive power is a gravitational center of political power, that is the basic lever of the mechanism of power and at the same time, one of the key elements for determining the character of the political system. In order to prevent or disable the concentration of power in the hands of the executive power, political and legal thought have repeatedly sought for effective mechanisms for restricting that power and keeping it under control. The executive power in order not to turn it into its negation, must be as fully and accurately dimensioned and limited as possible. The nicules of the idea of political control emerged with the division of power and the need for mutual control and limitation of the various branches of government. In order to mitigate and neutralize the possibility of abuse, one of the mechanisms is to organize the government in a way that one authority oversees the other authority. In that sense, in the relations between the legislature and the executive, it is necessary for the legislation to have no legal means to stop the decisions of the executive power, but with the possibility and authority to control it. Conversely, the executive has the right to veto the legal acts, but can not participate in their voting. Political control is one of the essential and standardly established functions of parliaments in all countries with a parliamentary or mixed system of government organization. It is a process in which parliament continuously and systematically monitors, analyzes, checks and evaluates the work of the government. In addition, the controlling parliamentary prism observes the overall work of the government as a collegial body of the executive power and the work of ministers as its members in terms of whether they achieve the goals and policies of parliament expressed in the constitution and laws, and whether the manner of who act, the means and the methods they use are purposeful. Subtlety in the use of instruments of political control is necessary in order not to jeopardize the fundamentals of the independence of the executive, that is, not to undermine the necessary independence of the ministers in undertaking measures within the scope of their portfolio, as well as on the activities for consistent implementation of government policy in general. However, political control, on the other hand, has been established, first of all, to prevent the independence of the holders of the executive power from reaching beyond the limits of the normatively projected trajectory of movement and action, not to turn into arbitrariness and voluntarism, not to manifest ignorant attitude towards the policies and attitudes of the parliament expressed in the laws, and thus indirectly in accordance with the will of the citizens represented in the parliament. In labor, through a wide-angle view will be analyzed and processed the institutes of political control and political responsibility of the government in certain systems of state power, with particular emphasis on the parliamentary system. In the focus of the scientific-research interest will be the deep and extensive study and awareness of the immanent features of the forms through which the parliamentary control of the administration is effectuated and animated. Also, in this context, the author's intention is to capture the effectiveness of individual control mechanisms. Key words: political control, political responsibility, parliamentary issues, interpellation, vote confidence in government.

Travail de recherche (2003-2009) fait en parallèle d'une fonction à plein temps de professeur de philosophie en lycée. Mention très honorable. ; In the French Republic theoretically and rhetorically based on liberty and equality, gender equality is still doubtful. Equality between sexes and above all sexualities seem to be institutionally inconceivable. The legislative responses to the claims by civil society are often ambiguous (statutory registration of sex change, Civil Pact of Solidarity, gender affirmative action etc.) and met with traditionalist resistances, basically more religious than symbolic. Analysing the social contract through the marriage contract makes it clear that after 1789 civil law was not revolutionized and, despite its voluntarism, kept clinging to "natural law". The state did not give up sex differentiation as inscribed in Genesis and canon law, then secularised by Rousseau. Women were stricken by both civil and civic incapacity there to last. However, by separating the family from the city, Rousseau separates the private from the public, thus contributing to the conception of French secularism. Differences between individuals pertain to the private, the public being the area of the citizens' undifferentiated equality. Now, statutory registration makes a "religion of the two sexes" compulsory as from birth, in total contradiction with today's way of life and biological breakthroughs. This form of state religion has discriminatory consequences through its prohibitions (homosexual parenthood.) and prescriptions (re-assigning intersexuals.). It would be logical for the secular state to give up sexing citizens. But many individuals, going through a crisis of marriage and nation, may still need to believe, the fiction of an Edenic community serving, then, as a partition of re-enchantment. ; Dans l'État républicain théoriquement et rhétoriquement fondé en liberté et en égalité, l'égalité sexuelle reste problématique. L'égalité des sexes et surtout l'égalité des sexualités sont comme institutionnellement inconcevables. Les réponses législatives apportées aux revendications de la société civile sont souvent ambiguës (changement de sexe civil, PaCS, parité etc.) et marquées par des résistances traditionalistes, au fond plus religieuses que symboliques. En analysant le contrat social par le prisme du contrat de mariage, on peut montrer qu'après 1789 le droit civil n'a pas fait sa révolution et qu'il tient, malgré son volontarisme, au " droit de la nature ". L'État ne renonce pas à la différenciation sexuelle inscrite dans la Genèse et le droit canonique, puis sécularisée par Rousseau. Les femmes sont durablement frappées d'une double incapacité, civile et civique. Cependant, en séparant la famille et la Cité, Rousseau sépare le privé et le public et contribue à la conception de la laïcité. Les différences interindividuelles doivent rester au privé ; le public est l'espace de l'égalité indifférenciée des citoyens. Or l'état civil impose dès la naissance une " religion des deux sexes ", aujourd'hui contredite par les modes de vie et même la biologie. Cette forme de religion d'État a des conséquences discriminatoires par ses interdits (parenté homosexuelle.) et ses prescriptions (réassignation des intersexué-e-s.). Il serait logique que l'État laïque renonce à sexuer les citoyens. Mais peut-être que beaucoup d'individus, en crise conjugale et nationale, ont besoin d'y croire encore, la fiction de communauté édénique tenant alors lieu de partition de réenchantement.