Same-sex marriage was an electoral issue in the 2004 Canadian election. This research note addresses two empirical questions: How many voters were influenced by this issue? What was the impact on the parties? In order to ascertain the effect of same-sex marriage on vote choice, we use the 2004 Canadian Election Study. Multinomial logit analyses allow us to conclude that even if same-sex marriage influenced vote choice, the ultimate outcome of the election was basically unaffected by that issue. Tables, Appendixes. Adapted from the source document.
The 2012 presidential election behind its 'normality' ¹ carries hidden stakes. One of these concerns the evolution of citizens' relations with politics and in particular with the vote. The latter is now organised much more around private interests than collective interests. It may be possible to detect the face of the stratum elector, which is supposed to prioritise choices according to the political offer, but this strategy remains innumerable, as is French society. The personalisation of power and the play of influence around the charismatic or media figure of national leaders could also be mentioned, but this has hardly been recent since the acclamation of the leaders of the gauloise tribes. The novelty is now new to anything else, namely the reversal of the vote to the extent that it is, if no longer, private and family life as well as the objective social situation. It becomes difficult if not impossible to understand the vote in collective terms, let alone in terms of social classes. ¹ PERRINEAU (Pascal) (dir.), Le Vote Normal: the Presidential and Legislative Elections in April-May-June 2, Paris, Presses de Sciences Po, Electoral Chronics, 2013, 429 p. ; L'élection présidentielle de 2012, derrière sa « normalité »¹, est porteused'enjeux cachés. L'un d'entre eux tient à l'évolution des rapports que lescitoyens entretiennent avec la politique et notamment avec le vote. Ce derniers'organise désormais bien plus autour des intérêts privés que des intérêtscollectifs. On pourra sans doute y déceler le visage de l'électeur stratège, censéhiérarchiser des choix en fonction de l'offre politique, mais cette stratégie resteindéchiffrable, tout comme l'est de plus en plus la société française. On pourraencore évoquer la personnalisation du pouvoir et le jeu des affects autour de lafigure charismatique ou médiatique des leaders nationaux mais celui-ci n'estguère récent depuis l'acclamation des chefs de tribus gauloises. La nouveautétient désormais à tout autre chose, à savoir le repliement du vote sur desdimensions ...
Voting and voters have changed. The growing level of hesitation, the ups and downs of turnout and of partisan support are clear evidence of this change. In this article, we attempt to understand this "new deal" via the presentation and use of a particular tool: voting probability questions. These questions present a very different portrait of voters than the one drawn by the classical voting intentions questions. A negative logic of voting is now visible, as is the space of voting possibilities of individuals. Furthermore, these questions shed new light on the dynamics of the 2012 presidential campaign and on the ongoing ideological reconfiguration both on the left and on the right. These analyses are based on the TriÉlec surveys conducted between July 2011 and March 2012. ; Le vote comme les votants ont changé. La montée de l'hésitation, les variations d'une élection à l'autre, tant en termes de participation que de résultats, le démontrent clairement. Dans cet article, il s'agit, à travers l'outil des probabilités de vote, de contribuer à prendre la mesure de cette nouvelle donne. Contrairement aux questions d'intentions de vote classiques, cet outil fait apparaître les logiques de vote négatif et l'espace des possibles électoraux des individus. Il permet également de mieux comprendre les logiques de la campagne présidentielle de 2012 ainsi que les reconfigurations idéologiques à l'œuvre en France tant à droite qu'à gauche. Ces analyses sont réalisées à partir des enquêtes TriÉlec menées entre juillet 2011 et mars 2012.
Voting and voters have changed. The growing level of hesitation, the ups and downs of turnout and of partisan support are clear evidence of this change. In this article, we attempt to understand this "new deal" via the presentation and use of a particular tool: voting probability questions. These questions present a very different portrait of voters than the one drawn by the classical voting intentions questions. A negative logic of voting is now visible, as is the space of voting possibilities of individuals. Furthermore, these questions shed new light on the dynamics of the 2012 presidential campaign and on the ongoing ideological reconfiguration both on the left and on the right. These analyses are based on the TriÉlec surveys conducted between July 2011 and March 2012. ; Le vote comme les votants ont changé. La montée de l'hésitation, les variations d'une élection à l'autre, tant en termes de participation que de résultats, le démontrent clairement. Dans cet article, il s'agit, à travers l'outil des probabilités de vote, de contribuer à prendre la mesure de cette nouvelle donne. Contrairement aux questions d'intentions de vote classiques, cet outil fait apparaître les logiques de vote négatif et l'espace des possibles électoraux des individus. Il permet également de mieux comprendre les logiques de la campagne présidentielle de 2012 ainsi que les reconfigurations idéologiques à l'œuvre en France tant à droite qu'à gauche. Ces analyses sont réalisées à partir des enquêtes TriÉlec menées entre juillet 2011 et mars 2012.
Voting and voters have changed. The growing level of hesitation, the ups and downs of turnout and of partisan support are clear evidence of this change. In this article, we attempt to understand this "new deal" via the presentation and use of a particular tool: voting probability questions. These questions present a very different portrait of voters than the one drawn by the classical voting intentions questions. A negative logic of voting is now visible, as is the space of voting possibilities of individuals. Furthermore, these questions shed new light on the dynamics of the 2012 presidential campaign and on the ongoing ideological reconfiguration both on the left and on the right. These analyses are based on the TriÉlec surveys conducted between July 2011 and March 2012. ; Le vote comme les votants ont changé. La montée de l'hésitation, les variations d'une élection à l'autre, tant en termes de participation que de résultats, le démontrent clairement. Dans cet article, il s'agit, à travers l'outil des probabilités de vote, de contribuer à prendre la mesure de cette nouvelle donne. Contrairement aux questions d'intentions de vote classiques, cet outil fait apparaître les logiques de vote négatif et l'espace des possibles électoraux des individus. Il permet également de mieux comprendre les logiques de la campagne présidentielle de 2012 ainsi que les reconfigurations idéologiques à l'œuvre en France tant à droite qu'à gauche. Ces analyses sont réalisées à partir des enquêtes TriÉlec menées entre juillet 2011 et mars 2012.
The indifferent voter. Analysis of electors' relationship with their votes. Daniel Gaxie. [138-164]. The less interested in politics are the citizens, the more likely they are to abstain from voting. At the same time, electoral participation depends on a lot of other factors, especially the feeling of civic duty. Voters are therefore very differents with regard to their concern in the election they participante in. That is the reason why the study of electoral bebaviour must focus on and start with inequally involved citizens' attitude towards their vote. This paper presents some results of an inquity held in the town of Amiens during tbe municipal elections of 1989. Both sarnple survey and thorough interviews were conducted. They show that voters pay unequal attention to the campaign and are unequally familiar with the candidates, the main issues and the results of the election. Their way of voting varies also very much with their degree of concern. Tbe most interested decide tbemselves more often on general and political grunds, even if they are far from the rational voter model. More indifferent citizens' "choice" is more inconsistant and less general, it is frequently made on practical interests of their everyday life or on their evaluation of the personality of one of tbe candidates.
By calling an early election in the fall of 2008 in the midst of a financial crisis, Quebec Premier Jean Charest hoped that the population would re-elect his government on the basis of its competence at dealing with the upcoming "economic storm." This article attempts to determine the actual influence that the economy had on Quebeckers' vote choice in that election, with the use of survey data collected in December 2008. The data allows us to verify whether "economic voting" in that election was of a traditional nature, that is based on retrospective assessments of economic conditions, or was more prospective in nature, that is based on perceptions of the parties' competence at managing the economic crisis that would soon follow. The impact on the vote of the issue of the Caisse de depot et placement du Quebec's losses is also analyzed. Adapted from the source document.
Voting in India : electoral symbols, party system and non-individual voting - The high rate of illiteracy in India has led that democracy (which has had ten legislative elections since independence) to work out an électoral procedure based on the use of symbols : the voting act consists in checking on the ballot the symbol corresponding to the candidate and the political group of one's choice in the voting booth. This System has had many secondary effects, since the definitive attribution of symbols to parties obtaining a certain number of votes on the national or regional level has contributed to the institutionalization of the party system. Beyond the use of symbols, the Election Commission has endeavored to surround the voting act with the maximum of possible guarantees in order to ensure secrecy and to preserve it from outside influences so as to fulfil the conditions for rational and individual voting. The sophistication of the measures taken seems however, on one hand, to lag behind the concrete forms of exercising the suffrage, as the voters tend to select their candidates collectively (at the religions community or the subcaste level) ; on the other hand, it lags behind the real challenge, that of the rise of violence around voting places. ; Le taux élevé d'analphabétisme en Inde a conduit cette démocratie (qui a organisé dix élections générales depuis l'indépendance) à élaborer une procédure électorale reposant sur l'usage de symboles : l'acte de vote consiste à cocher dans l'isoloir le symbole correspondant au candidat et à la formation politique de son choix. Ce dispositif a eu des effets induits importants puisque l'attribution définitive d'un symbole aux partis réunissant un certain nombre de voix au niveau national ou régional a contribué à institutionnaliser le système des partis. Au-delà du recours aux symboles, la commission électorale s'est efforcée d'entourer l'acte de vote du plus grand nombre de garanties possibles pour assurer le secret du vote et le préserver des influences extérieures, de ...
Voting in India : electoral symbols, party system and non-individual voting - The high rate of illiteracy in India has led that democracy (which has had ten legislative elections since independence) to work out an électoral procedure based on the use of symbols : the voting act consists in checking on the ballot the symbol corresponding to the candidate and the political group of one's choice in the voting booth. This System has had many secondary effects, since the definitive attribution of symbols to parties obtaining a certain number of votes on the national or regional level has contributed to the institutionalization of the party system. Beyond the use of symbols, the Election Commission has endeavored to surround the voting act with the maximum of possible guarantees in order to ensure secrecy and to preserve it from outside influences so as to fulfil the conditions for rational and individual voting. The sophistication of the measures taken seems however, on one hand, to lag behind the concrete forms of exercising the suffrage, as the voters tend to select their candidates collectively (at the religions community or the subcaste level) ; on the other hand, it lags behind the real challenge, that of the rise of violence around voting places. ; Le taux élevé d'analphabétisme en Inde a conduit cette démocratie (qui a organisé dix élections générales depuis l'indépendance) à élaborer une procédure électorale reposant sur l'usage de symboles : l'acte de vote consiste à cocher dans l'isoloir le symbole correspondant au candidat et à la formation politique de son choix. Ce dispositif a eu des effets induits importants puisque l'attribution définitive d'un symbole aux partis réunissant un certain nombre de voix au niveau national ou régional a contribué à institutionnaliser le système des partis. Au-delà du recours aux symboles, la commission électorale s'est efforcée d'entourer l'acte de vote du plus grand nombre de garanties possibles pour assurer le secret du vote et le préserver des influences extérieures, de manière à réunir les conditions d'un vote rationnel et individuel. La sophistication des mesures prises paraît toutefois en décalage, d'une part, avec les formes concrètes de l'exercice du suffrage, les électeurs tendant à sélectionner leur candidat de façon collective (au niveau de la communauté religieuse ou de la sous-caste), d'autre part avec le vrai défi que constitue la montée des violences autour des bureaux de vote.
The citizen's electoral choice is guided by his evaluation of the stakes of a particular election, of the contending personalities and of the values at stake for the future. At each of these levels, the media and opinion polls tend to modify deeply the operating rules of our democratic system. Television plays the major role since appeal and emotion weigh heavily on the electoral campaigns. The 'new voter' depends more and more on the media and the opinion polls, for better or worse. Adapted from the source document.
This article presents an overview of some modern approaches to Political Economy, which are sometime grouped under the heading "New Political Economy". These approaches aim at understanding actual public decision systems in such a way that one can clearly see the link between the decisions taken on behalf of the collectivity and the preferences of the individuals in this collectivity. The paper presents in particular the Median Voter Theorem and some of its economic applications, the Theory of Social Choice, and the Formal Political Science. ; Cet article présente une vue d'ensemble d'un certains nombres de travaux modernes en Economie Politique. Ces travaux sont parfois regroupés sous la dénomination de "Nouvelle Economie Politique". Ils visent à rendre compte des systèmes de décision publique de manière suffisament opératoire pour faire ressortir avec un minimum de réalisme le lien entre les décisions prises au nom de la collectivité et les préférences des membres de celle-ci. L'article présente en particulier le Théorème de l'Electeur Médian et ses applications économiques, la théorie downsienne de la compétition électorale, la Théorie du Choix Social et la Théorie Formelle de la Politique.
This article presents an overview of some modern approaches to Political Economy, which are sometime grouped under the heading "New Political Economy". These approaches aim at understanding actual public decision systems in such a way that one can clearly see the link between the decisions taken on behalf of the collectivity and the preferences of the individuals in this collectivity. The paper presents in particular the Median Voter Theorem and some of its economic applications, the Theory of Social Choice, and the Formal Political Science. ; Cet article présente une vue d'ensemble d'un certains nombres de travaux modernes en Economie Politique. Ces travaux sont parfois regroupés sous la dénomination de "Nouvelle Economie Politique". Ils visent à rendre compte des systèmes de décision publique de manière suffisament opératoire pour faire ressortir avec un minimum de réalisme le lien entre les décisions prises au nom de la collectivité et les préférences des membres de celle-ci. L'article présente en particulier le Théorème de l'Electeur Médian et ses applications économiques, la théorie downsienne de la compétition électorale, la Théorie du Choix Social et la Théorie Formelle de la Politique.
Blind votes : the case of Front National voters from the worklng classes. Franck Franceries. [119-137]. Without claiming to explain why people from tbe working classes vote for the Front National, this article aims at describing the factors that lead to such a choice. A number of interviews with FN voters in which an attempt bas been made to understand their relations with politics and elections, bas permitted to understand how voters apply their practical knowledge to politics. Whatever the supporters of the participation ideology may think, it seems that voting is a "blind act" : first because it is a gesture which stems mainly from a "conditionning of the belly" (r. Bourdieu). Second, because the choice of FN might set in motion a type of categorizations unrelated to politics. In fact, the "act of voting" FN in popular classes seems rather to be a politically blind answer of habitus to the modifications of the political offer.
