There are some territories exist in Europe trying to get some level of sovereignty, and recent years have shown that these areas will not be satisfied with limited autonomy or some concessions from their governments. Scotland referendum like the example of this desire took place on September 18, 2014. The results were not legally binding for London, but it was considered by all sides as the most important internal political event which determined the future of their state. Simultaneously it compelled international attention, focused mostly by the separatist movements and central governments in many countries.Referendum background can be considered from two sides – from Scotland, as a territory, which requires independence since the beginning of its existence, and by the UK government, which is quite long delayed implementation of this. London made numerous concessions and there were a line of successful referendums for autonomy so sooner or later direct question about independence would come on the agenda.Besides that, the law of Scotland has the norm, which allowed starting the referendum process if there are 65 people in territory parliament and they are ready to vote for it. After the elections 2011 there were 69 members in parliament, all of them – members of the Scottish National Party, which is fighting for the independence of the territory since its appearance in 1930-ies. As a result, on October 15, 2012 British Prime Minister David Cameron and head of the autonomous government of Scotland Alex Salmond signed an agreement which defines the procedure for holding a referendum in autumn 2014.Referendum for independence caused many questions between its supporters and opponents, because the most important part of independence was not the independence itself but willingness of Scottish Government to solve a number of complicated problems. Opponents of the independence noted that independence – is not only a future possibility as nationalists say, but also a high level of responsibility. Three major questions were kept unanswered before the referendum – the national currency, defense and EU membership. There are equally important questions as relationship with the British Crown, using energy resources and social security status.Before the referendum the British Sociological Agency reported that about 150 000 people did not decide how to vote. It was believed that their choice will decide the fate of the region. As a result, for the Scotland independence from the UK voted 44,7 % of people or 1 617 989 Scots; – against 55,3 % or 2 001 926. The difference amounted to 383 937 persons. Victory of country unity supporters was quite confident. The results of the referendum could be different but the reaction of the British authorities on election forecasts was decisive – all three British parties released document during the last week of the campaign which guaranteed the empowerment of the Scottish government.A referendum in Scotland, conducted democratically, showed that the world can come to compromise in any question, but even failed attempts to legitimate independence left a big sigh on internal and foreign policy of states and territories. ; На внешнюю политику самых влиятельных международных акторов активно влияет внутриполитическая ситуация, поэтому референдум в Шотландии 2014 года привлек внимание международного сообщества как событие, способное повлиять на будущее международных отношений в целом. В статье рассмотрены причины, ход и последствия референдума в Шотландии в 2014 году. В центре внимания – причины проведения референдума и его результаты как для Великобритании, так и для мирового сообщества. Обозначены особенности шотландского выбора, проблемы, которые возникли перед шотландцами на пути к незави-симости в XXI веке. ; На зовнішню політику найвпливовіших міжнародних акторів активно впливає їхня внутрішньо-політична ситуація, тому референдум у Шотландії 2014 року привернув увагу міжнародного співтовариства як подія, здатна вплинути на майбутнє міжнародних відносин у цілому. У статті розглянуто причини, перебіг та наслідки референдуму в Шотландії 2014 року. У центрі уваги – причини проведення референдуму, його результати як для Великобританії, так і для світового співтовариства. Визначено особливості шотландського вибору, проблеми, які постали перед шотландцями на шляху до незалежності в XXI столітті
Problem Statement and Purpose. The article reveals the behaviour of the voters of a certain territory in the context of ideological commitment, electoral activity, conditions and factors that influence the choice of people. Thus a tradition of electoral activity and the collective memory of the party favour is formed. Four electoral cadences were chosen for investigation over the period 2006-2014 years. It helped to determine changes in the elections interest (vote), commitment to a certain type of ideology, which was analysed according to a proportion of voting for a group of political parties with close ideological views.The manifestation of mass political consciousness, which shows itself through the electoral culture, allows us to estimate at the territorial level, the population's attitude to certain ideologies and political orientations. The purpose of the article is to determine the role of electoral activity as a form of electoral culture.Data & Methods. The basis of the article is a theoretical and methodological development of leading experts in the field of modern political geography, electoral geography and other sciences that study the peculiarities of electoral processes. There were used such scientific methods of research as analysis and synthesis, statistical, generalization, abstraction and others. Materials of Central Election Commission were used in this article for the period 2006 – 2014 years.Results. Conclusions were made regarding certain territorial attachment of the electorate. Grouping of administrative units was implemented according to the level of electoral culture formation based on certain ideological direction. Our studies allow to note a tendency of electoral activity gradual alignment and consistency of regional character assessment of the electoral process, which suggests the formation of a common problem field of electoral culture. Based on our research, a higher formation level of electoral culture demonstrate areas of Galician region (Ivano-Frankivsk, Lviv and Ternopil); in east-Podilsk regions and areas of multi-ethnic character (Transcarpathian, Chernivtsi) electoral culture is an indicator of social cohesion process around a particular range of views and ideas, guided by pro-European and pro-Ukrainian views. ; В статье проанализированы теоретические и прикладные аспекты формирования электоральной культуры. Было определено роль электоральной активности как одной из форм электоральной культуры; проанализировано, как отражается коллективная память людей на избирательном процессе и стабильности идеологической привязанности. За территориальную основу оценки сформированности электоральной культуры был избран области Карпато-Подольского региона. ; У статті проаналізована теоретичні та прикладні аспекти формування електоральної культури. Було визначено роль електоральної активності як однієї з форм електоральної культури; проаналізовано, як відображається колективна пам'ять людей на виборчому процесі та стабільності ідеологічної прихильності. За територіальну основу оцінки сформованості електоральної культури було обрано області Карпатсько-Подільського регіону.
Problem Statement and Purpose. The article reveals the behaviour of the voters of a certain territory in the context of ideological commitment, electoral activity, conditions and factors that influence the choice of people. Thus a tradition of electoral activity and the collective memory of the party favour is formed. Four electoral cadences were chosen for investigation over the period 2006-2014 years. It helped to determine changes in the elections interest (vote), commitment to a certain type of ideology, which was analysed according to a proportion of voting for a group of political parties with close ideological views.The manifestation of mass political consciousness, which shows itself through the electoral culture, allows us to estimate at the territorial level, the population's attitude to certain ideologies and political orientations. The purpose of the article is to determine the role of electoral activity as a form of electoral culture.Data & Methods. The basis of the article is a theoretical and methodological development of leading experts in the field of modern political geography, electoral geography and other sciences that study the peculiarities of electoral processes. There were used such scientific methods of research as analysis and synthesis, statistical, generalization, abstraction and others. Materials of Central Election Commission were used in this article for the period 2006 – 2014 years.Results. Conclusions were made regarding certain territorial attachment of the electorate. Grouping of administrative units was implemented according to the level of electoral culture formation based on certain ideological direction. Our studies allow to note a tendency of electoral activity gradual alignment and consistency of regional character assessment of the electoral process, which suggests the formation of a common problem field of electoral culture. Based on our research, a higher formation level of electoral culture demonstrate areas of Galician region (Ivano-Frankivsk, Lviv and Ternopil); in east-Podilsk regions and areas of multi-ethnic character (Transcarpathian, Chernivtsi) electoral culture is an indicator of social cohesion process around a particular range of views and ideas, guided by pro-European and pro-Ukrainian views. ; В статье проанализированы теоретические и прикладные аспекты формирования электоральной культуры. Было определено роль электоральной активности как одной из форм электоральной культуры; проанализировано, как отражается коллективная память людей на избирательном процессе и стабильности идеологической привязанности. За территориальную основу оценки сформированности электоральной культуры был избран области Карпато-Подольского региона. ; У статті проаналізована теоретичні та прикладні аспекти формування електоральної культури. Було визначено роль електоральної активності як однієї з форм електоральної культури; проаналізовано, як відображається колективна пам'ять людей на виборчому процесі та стабільності ідеологічної прихильності. За територіальну основу оцінки сформованості електоральної культури було обрано області Карпатсько-Подільського регіону.
Political practice shows that there (within the framework of a republican form of government) are parliamentary systems of government, which formally and/or actually differ from traditional or typical parliamentary systems of government. At the same time, extremely different factors of political process and inter-institutional relations, which are the conditions for defining different types of systems of government, can be indicators for distinguishing typical and atypical parliamentary systems of government. In this cut, the purpose of the article is to determine the factors and consequences of 1992 electoral reform and to find out whether the peculiarities of the institution of direct elections of prime minister can predetermine the atypicality of parliamentary system of government in the State of Israel in 1996–2003. This purpose was solved in the situation when new institutionalism and its types/paradigms were chosen as a theoretical and methodological basis of the research.The author analyzed the peculiarities of 1992 electoral reform and found out that the main factors that had determined its necessity were the following prerequisites: the choice and composition of government were practically out of the attention of voters; popular disaffection with established parties started its rising and the overall perception of democracy started its tarnishing; new and splinter parties were encouraged to be formed thereby constantly increasing fragmentation and polarization of party system; small parties had disproportionate political power; multiparty governments made the process of decisionmaking more difficult (in particular, with veto power granted to most parties in the coalition on a variety of issues); government crises became more and more frequent immobilizing cabinets for long periods of time.The researcher also determined the consequences of 1992 electoral reform. According to Rae's fractionalization index and the results of 1996 and 1999 elections, the fractionalization of party system increased. That is why a party or bloc that nominated a candidate for a prime minister received much lower support than a candidate himself. This meant that a significant part of electorate shared its choice on parliamentary elections and direct elections of prime minister, voting for a candidate for a prime minister from one party and given votes to Knesset for another party. Therefore, it is proved that the features of the institution of direct elections of prime minister predetermined the atypicality of parliamentary system of government in the State of Israel in 1996–2003. ; У рамках республіканської форми державного правління функціонують/функціонували такі парламентські системи державного правління, які формально і/чи фактично відрізняються/відрізнялися від традиційних/типових парламентських. При цьому, індикаторами розрізнення типових й атипових парламентських систем державного правління можуть бути вкрай варіативні чинники політичного процесу та міжінституційних відносин. У цьому зрізі метою статті є визначити чинники і наслідки виборчої реформи 1992 р., а також те, чи особливості інституту прямих виборів прем'єр-міністра зумовлювали атиповість парламентської системи правління в Державі Ізраїль у 1996–2003 рр. Теоретико-методологічною основою запропонованого дослідження обрано неоінституціоналізм і його варіативні типи й парадигми.Проаналізовано особливості виборчої реформи 1992 р. Основними чинниками, які зумовили необхідність проведення виборчої реформи 1992 р., виділено такі: формування і склад уряду фактично перебував поза впливом виборців; народне невдоволення діяльністю великих партій; фрагментація та поляризація партійної системи; диспропорційна політична влада малих партій; зростання «потенціалу шантажу» з боку малих партій; багатопартійні уряди ускладнили процес прийняття рішень; часто виникали урядові кризи.Визначено наслідки виборчої реформи 1992 р. Згідно з показниками індексу фракціоналізації партійних систем Рея, за результатами виборів 1996, 1999 рр. фракціоналізація партійної системи зросла. Партія чи блок, що висували кандидата на посаду прем'єр-міністра отримували значно нижчу підтримку, ніж сам кандидат. Це означало, що значна частина електорату розділяла свій вибір на прямих виборах прем'єр-міністра і на парламентських виборах, голосуючи за кандидата на посаду прем'єр-міністра від однієї партії, а на виборах до Кнесету – за іншу партію.Доведено, що особливості інституту прямих виборів прем'єр-міністра зумовлювали атиповість парламентської системи правління в Державі Ізраїль у 1996–2003 рр.
Political practice shows that there (within the framework of a republican form of government) are parliamentary systems of government, which formally and/or actually differ from traditional or typical parliamentary systems of government. At the same time, extremely different factors of political process and inter-institutional relations, which are the conditions for defining different types of systems of government, can be indicators for distinguishing typical and atypical parliamentary systems of government. In this cut, the purpose of the article is to determine the factors and consequences of 1992 electoral reform and to find out whether the peculiarities of the institution of direct elections of prime minister can predetermine the atypicality of parliamentary system of government in the State of Israel in 1996–2003. This purpose was solved in the situation when new institutionalism and its types/paradigms were chosen as a theoretical and methodological basis of the research.The author analyzed the peculiarities of 1992 electoral reform and found out that the main factors that had determined its necessity were the following prerequisites: the choice and composition of government were practically out of the attention of voters; popular disaffection with established parties started its rising and the overall perception of democracy started its tarnishing; new and splinter parties were encouraged to be formed thereby constantly increasing fragmentation and polarization of party system; small parties had disproportionate political power; multiparty governments made the process of decisionmaking more difficult (in particular, with veto power granted to most parties in the coalition on a variety of issues); government crises became more and more frequent immobilizing cabinets for long periods of time.The researcher also determined the consequences of 1992 electoral reform. According to Rae's fractionalization index and the results of 1996 and 1999 elections, the fractionalization of party system increased. That is why a party or bloc that nominated a candidate for a prime minister received much lower support than a candidate himself. This meant that a significant part of electorate shared its choice on parliamentary elections and direct elections of prime minister, voting for a candidate for a prime minister from one party and given votes to Knesset for another party. Therefore, it is proved that the features of the institution of direct elections of prime minister predetermined the atypicality of parliamentary system of government in the State of Israel in 1996–2003. ; У рамках республіканської форми державного правління функціонують/функціонували такі парламентські системи державного правління, які формально і/чи фактично відрізняються/відрізнялися від традиційних/типових парламентських. При цьому, індикаторами розрізнення типових й атипових парламентських систем державного правління можуть бути вкрай варіативні чинники політичного процесу та міжінституційних відносин. У цьому зрізі метою статті є визначити чинники і наслідки виборчої реформи 1992 р., а також те, чи особливості інституту прямих виборів прем'єр-міністра зумовлювали атиповість парламентської системи правління в Державі Ізраїль у 1996–2003 рр. Теоретико-методологічною основою запропонованого дослідження обрано неоінституціоналізм і його варіативні типи й парадигми.Проаналізовано особливості виборчої реформи 1992 р. Основними чинниками, які зумовили необхідність проведення виборчої реформи 1992 р., виділено такі: формування і склад уряду фактично перебував поза впливом виборців; народне невдоволення діяльністю великих партій; фрагментація та поляризація партійної системи; диспропорційна політична влада малих партій; зростання «потенціалу шантажу» з боку малих партій; багатопартійні уряди ускладнили процес прийняття рішень; часто виникали урядові кризи.Визначено наслідки виборчої реформи 1992 р. Згідно з показниками індексу фракціоналізації партійних систем Рея, за результатами виборів 1996, 1999 рр. фракціоналізація партійної системи зросла. Партія чи блок, що висували кандидата на посаду прем'єр-міністра отримували значно нижчу підтримку, ніж сам кандидат. Це означало, що значна частина електорату розділяла свій вибір на прямих виборах прем'єр-міністра і на парламентських виборах, голосуючи за кандидата на посаду прем'єр-міністра від однієї партії, а на виборах до Кнесету – за іншу партію.Доведено, що особливості інституту прямих виборів прем'єр-міністра зумовлювали атиповість парламентської системи правління в Державі Ізраїль у 1996–2003 рр.
The article deals with one of the key mechanisms of representative democracy – elections; a series of paradoxes associated with them are in the main focus. The rule "one person – one vote" is based on the legal and moral equality of all the people, but suggests that they are also equal in terms of awareness. This can lead to the democratic suicide of democracy. During the formation of the modern society there was a movement from corporate elections to elections, where the main role was played and is played by mass communities. Parallel movement from the group consciousness to the mass consciousness is related to this. In the article it is proved that public opinion became the major mechanism of public choice. Such a state assumes the synergy in the development of the issues of electoral sociology and sociology of public opinion. It is proposed theoretically to differentiate public opinion, social thought and group consciousness. The first one is formed in the broad mass communities, the second one is the result of communication within the community, and the third is formed as a result of group dynamics. ; В статье рассматривается один из определяющих механизмов представительной демократии – выборы; основное внимание обращено на ряд парадоксов, связанных с ними. Правило "Один человек – один голос" базируется на признании юридического и морального равенства людей, но предполагает, что они равны и по уровню информированности. Это может вести к демократическому самоубийству демократии. При формировании современного общества происходило движение от корпоративных выборов к выборам, где главную роль играли и играют массовые общности. С этим связано параллельное движение от группового сознания к массовому сознанию. В статье обосновывается, что общественное мнение превратилось в главный механизм общественного выбора. Подобное состояние предполагает синергию в разработке проблем электоральной социологии и социологии общественного мнения. Выдвигается предложение теоретически дифференцировать общественное мнение, общественную мысль и групповое сознание. Первое формируется в широких массовых общностях, вторая является результатом коммуникации в рамках общественности, а третье формируется как результат групповой динамики. ; У статті розглядається один з визначальних механізмів представницької демократії – вибори; основна увага звертається на низку парадоксів, пов'язаних з ними. Правило "Одна людина – один голос" має підставою визнання юридичної і моральної рівності людей, але передбачає, що вони рівні також за своєю поінформованістю. Це може вести до демократичного самогубства демократії. При формуванні сучасного суспільства відбувався рух від корпоративних виборів до виборів, де головну роль відігравали і відіграють масові спільноти. З цим пов'язаний паралельний рух від групової свідомості до масової свідомості. В статті доводиться, що суспільні опінії перетворилися на головний механізм суспільного вибору. Подібний стан вимагає синергії у розробці проблем електоральної соціології та соціології громадської думки. Висувається пропозиція теоретично диференціювати суспільні опінії, громадську думку та групову свідомість. Перші формуються в широких масових спільнотах, другі є результатом комунікації в межах громадськості, а третє формується як результат групової динаміки.
The article investigates the transformation of the elections institution influenced by realities and trends of the «consumer society», which is associated with the transfer of social behaviour patterns and the management of technology from the sphere of the commercial market to the sphere of political relations; resulting this process, and an act of political the choice is mediated by such relationships that may be described in the terminology of «buy-sell» and manipulating the behaviour of the voters masses relegated to the role of the ordinary consumers. This aspect is not always taken into account in theoretical and applied research in social science's. Meanwhile, analysis of the functioning of the political elections institution as the social interaction of the broad masses of voters and representatives of the «political class» in a society of this type can significantly adjust traditional notions of representative democracy as a system of socio-political relations and political regime. The purpose of the article – to make a critical analysis of the political election institute transformation in «mass society» and «consumer society.» So the logic of «consumer society» penetrates deeper into the political sphere, permeates political content, and especially election campaigns, turning them into a mix of spectacular shows, gambling and professional sports competitions for the mass of voters. As business gets through profit entice consumers and «political class», ruling elite manipulates voters at the elections. That's why political freedom is similar to apparent freedom purchaser shopping center, rich advertising and other means of luring customers for products that require a particular sale. The «voter-consumer» alienated from the essence of political choice as the country's political course, because motivation and factors of its voting are quite different, attractive and usually unrealistic promises of candidates, attractive image candidates conformism of public opinion, and others. Consumption is converted not only in terms of political struggle, and the philosophy of «new politics». If the policy works on the laws of the market, «commodification», it is not possible to determine right or wrong, good or bad, smart or stupid politicians or voters: if someone won «his electorate», it means that he does not sell his «political product» or no demand for it. Otherwise, it is a profanation of the political process. Thus, the reality of the socio-political realities «mass society» and «consumer society» forced to abandon one-sided view of the elections as an institution of democracy and the main indicator of its presence. The author believes that the profanation of the elections through their continuous «marketization» can be considered a special technology, the ruling elite, which provides for the perpetuation of their domination over the masses, and converts the declared democracy myth and illusion. This is one is the main strategic goals, the corporate interest of the ruling elite – the perpetuation of the status quo of social roles ruling elite and the broad, alienated from the real control and turned into consumer or mass, the general population. ; В статье исследуется трансформация института выборов под влиянием реалий и тенденций развития «общества потребления», что связано с переносом шаблонов социального поведения и технологий управления ею из сферы коммерческого обращения товаров на потребительском рынке в сферу общественно-политических отношений, в результате чего процесс и акт политического выбора опосредуется такими отношениями, которые могут быть описаны в терминологии «купли продажи» и манипулирования поведением масс избирателей, низведеных до роли рядовых потребителей. Автор статьи считает, что профанация выборов через их сплошную «маркетизацию» может считаться особой технологией правящих элит, которая предусматривает увековечивание их господства над массами, и превращает декларируемую демократию в миф и иллюзию. ; У статті досліджено трансформацію інституту виборів під впливом реалій та тенденцій розвитку «суспільства споживання», що пов'язано з перенесенням шаблонів соціальної поведінки та технологій управління нею зі сфери комерційного обігу товарів на споживчому ринку у сферу суспільно-політичних відносин, унаслідок чого процес та акт політичного вибору опосередковується такими відносинами, що можуть бути описані у термінології «купівлі продажу» та маніпулювання поведінкою мас виборців, зведених до ролі пересічних споживачів. Автор статті наголошує на тому, що профанація виборів через їхню суцільну «маркетизацію» може вважатися особливою технологією правлячих еліт, що передбачає увіковічення їхнього панування над масами, що й перетворює декларовану демократію на міф та ілюзію.
The article is devoted to the study of changes in public opinion in British society in the context of Britain's withdrawal from the EU. The British views on the Brexit process and its consequences for the state and citizens have been studied. The attitude of British citizens to signing a trade agreement with the European Union is analyzed. It looks at how public opinion has changed five years after the fateful «divorce» from the European Union and whether the British regret the choice made. It was found out which category of voters voted for the «Leave» campaign and which groups of voters changed their opinion about Brexit. Statement of a scientific problem and its significance. Britain is changing. In the light of the events of the last five years, Brexit has invaded and radically changed stability to political uncertainty, and the referendum that spawned it has violated many other aspects of public opinion. The United Kingdom made its choice in a referendum on June 23, 2016, but this does not mean that the debate on this topic is over. Citizens are still worried about whether the right choice has been made, as individual voters may have changed their minds about how they should vote on that fateful day. After the referendum, some of the voters who supported the Leave campaign became Brexiters and vice versa. But what made them change their point of view so radically? This, in turn, inevitably raises the question of whether the majority that supported leaving the European Union in June 2016 would stand the test of time. The purpose of this article is to examine the changes in British public opinion regarding the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the EU and the consequences of this process. The main conclusions have obtained. Summarizing the statistics from the UK polls conducted after 2016 by leading think tanks and world-class research institutes, it should be noted that a second ballot would have the opposite effect and a majority would be supported by Remain supporters. Today, Britain is still divided over Brexit and its consequences. With minimal percentage fluctuations remains the division of society into those «Leave» and «Remain». ; Стаття присвячена дослідженню змін у громадській думці британського суспільства в контексті виходу Великобританії з ЄС. Досліджено погляди британців на процес Brexit, його наслідки для держави та громадян. Проаналізовано ставлення мешканців Британії до підписання торгової угоди з Європейським Союзом. Розглянуто як саме змінилась громадська думка через п'ять років після доленосного «розлучення» з Євросоюзом та чи шкодують британці про зроблений вибір. З'ясовано яка категорія виборців голосувала за кампанію «Leave» та які групи виборців змінили свою думку стосовно Brexit. Постановка наукової проблеми та її значення. Британія змінюється. У світлі подій останніх п'яти років необхідно сказати, що Brexit ввірвався та кардинально змінив сталість на невизначеність у політичному порядку денному, а сам референдум, який його породив, порушив інші численні аспекти громадської думки. Великобританія зробила свій вибір на референдумі 23 червня 2016 року, але це не означає, що дебати на цю тему завершилися. Громадяни все ще стурбовані, чи був зроблений правильний вибір, так як окремі виборці могли змінити свою думку, яким чином вони мали б проголосувати того рокового дня. Після референдуму частина виборців, які підтримували кампанію «Leave», стали Brexiters і навпаки. Але що змусило їх так радикально змінити свою точку зору? А це в свою чергу неминуче викликає питання про те, чи більшість, яка підтримала вихід з Євросоюзу в червні 2016 року, витримала б випробування часом. Мета даної статті полягає у дослідженні змін британської громадської думки стосовно виходу Сполученого Королівства з ЄС. Основні одержані висновки. Узагальнюючи опрацьовані статистичні дані опитувань громадян Великобританії після 2016 року, які були проведені провідними аналітичними центрами та дослідницькими інститутами світового рівня слід зазначити, що повторне голосування мало би протилежний результат, і більшість отримали б прихильники кампанії «Remain». Британія донині залишається розділеною у питаннях стосовно Brexit та його наслідків. З мінімальним відсотковими коливаннями залишається поділ суспільства на тих то «за» і «проти». ; Стаття присвячена дослідженню змін у громадській думці британського суспільства в контексті виходу Великобританії з ЄС. Досліджено погляди британців на процес Brexit, його наслідки для держави та громадян. Проаналізовано ставлення мешканців Британії до підписання торгової угоди з Європейським Союзом. Розглянуто як саме змінилась громадська думка через п'ять років після доленосного «розлучення» з Євросоюзом та чи шкодують британці про зроблений вибір. З'ясовано яка категорія виборців голосувала за кампанію «Leave» та які групи виборців змінили свою думку стосовно Brexit. Постановка наукової проблеми та її значення. Британія змінюється. У світлі подій останніх п'яти років необхідно сказати, що Brexit ввірвався та кардинально змінив сталість на невизначеність у політичному порядку денному, а сам референдум, який його породив, порушив інші численні аспекти громадської думки. Великобританія зробила свій вибір на референдумі 23 червня 2016 року, але це не означає, що дебати на цю тему завершилися. Громадяни все ще стурбовані, чи був зроблений правильний вибір, так як окремі виборці могли змінити свою думку, яким чином вони мали б проголосувати того рокового дня. Після референдуму частина виборців, які підтримували кампанію «Leave», стали Brexiters і навпаки. Але що змусило їх так радикально змінити свою точку зору? А це в свою чергу неминуче викликає питання про те, чи більшість, яка підтримала вихід з Євросоюзу в червні 2016 року, витримала б випробування часом. Мета даної статті полягає у дослідженні змін британської громадської думки стосовно виходу Сполученого Королівства з ЄС. Основні одержані висновки. Узагальнюючи опрацьовані статистичні дані опитувань громадян Великобританії після 2016 року, які були проведені провідними аналітичними центрами та дослідницькими інститутами світового рівня слід зазначити, що повторне голосування мало би протилежний результат, і більшість отримали б прихильники кампанії «Remain». Британія донині залишається розділеною у питаннях стосовно Brexit та його наслідків. З мінімальним відсотковими коливаннями залишається поділ суспільства на тих то «за» і «проти».
The Article explores theoretical aspects of the relationship between democracy and modern liberal constitutionalism; it theoritises collisions between them, highlights their origins and patterns. The Article provides insight into the origin and etymology of the term "democracy", traces the evolution of the global consensus on the meaning of "democracy", and explores the invention of the modern constitutional safeguards against democracy's majoritarian peril. The Article examines the formation of a global consensus on the understanding of democracy, forged after World War II around Schumpeter's definition of democracy as an institutional arrangement for arriving at political decisions in which individuals acquire the power to decide by means of a competitive struggle for the people's vote. Initially after WWII, democracy was understood as an antithesis of dictatorship and totalitarianism, but over the last seventy years this understanding has evolved around an anti-majoritarian paradigm: the majority's will must be limited by the fundamental values of personal freedom, political freedom and the rule of law. This paradigm brought about a new trajectory of the post-war constitutionalism, posited on three fundamental concepts: (1) transformation of constitutional rights into claim rights that are judicially enforced and protected; (2) restriction of the secondary constituent power; and (3) militant democracy doctrine. The Article argues that this development has brought about three fundamental paradoxes: (1) the paradox of constitutional judicature elevated above the classical triangle of separation of power; (2) "eternal constitution" paradox, that marginalises the primary constituent power to the fictitious "act of creation"; and (3) paradox of juridicalisation of representative democracy wherein the national public policy choices are made not in the parliamentary debates but in the judicial proceedings. These paradoxes, in turn, generate a profound conflict between democracy as institutionalized will of the majority and constitutionalism, which limits, channels, and separates power in the state. ; Стаття присвячена висвітленню теоретичних аспектів співвідношення демократії і сучасного ліберального конституціоналізму, аналізу суперечностей між ними, виявленню їхніх витоків і закономірностей. У зв'язку із цим у статті розкривається питання етимології терміна «демократія», проаналізовано причини становлення глобального консенсусу щодо розуміння демократії, розглянуто становлення сучасних конституційних запобіжників проти мажоритарного фатуму демократії. У статті досліджується становлення глобального консенсусу щодо розуміння демократії, що склався після Другої світової війни навколо шумпетерівського визначення демократії як інститу-ційного устрою для ухвалення політичних рішень, у якому індивіди набувають влади ухвалювати рішення шляхом конкурентної боротьби за голоси виборців. У перші повоєнні роки демократія розумілася як антитеза диктатурі й тоталітаризму, але за останні сімдесят років це розуміння еволюціонувало навколо антимажоритарної парадигми: воля більшості має бути обмежена засадничими цінностями особистої свободи, політичної свободи та верховенства права. Ця парадигма заклала нову траєкторію повоєнного конституціоналізму, в основі якого лежали три основні концепції: (1) перетворення конституційних прав на юридичні права, що підлягають судовому захисту; (2) обмеження вторинної установчої влади; (3) доктрина «озброєної демократії». У статті обстоюється теза, що цей розвиток призвів до виникнення трьох фундаментальних парадоксів: (1) парадокс органу конституційної юрисдикції, що стоїть на щабель вище за класичну тріаду поділу влади; (2) парадокс «вічної конституції», який перетворює первинну установчу владу на фікцію первинного «акту творіння»; (3) парадокс юридикалізації представницької демократії, коли визначення національної політики відбувається не у стінах парламенту, а в судах. Ці парадокси, у свою чергу, закладають глибинну суперечність між демократією як інституціоналізованою волею більшості і конституціоналізмом, що обмежує, упорядковує і розподіляє владу в державі.
Problem setting. The functioning of the mechanism of public administration determines the need to establish the conceptual foundations of public policy, its strategic guidelines and directions for further development. There is no doubt about the social need for the humanization of consciousness, which is impossible without the introduction of the values of democracy and mutual respect in government.The relevance of modern gender research is due to the transformation of society, the emergence of new women's problems and the complication of existing ones, the need to understand the radical change in the position of women, strengthening and expanding the feminine principle in society.Thus, it is noticeable that in our time gender studies are especially relevant. All countries are faced with the task of developing a science-based policy on women. Without this, a realistic solution to many practical problems is impossible. Today, the women's issue is the focus of many social forces, it penetrates deeper into the consciousness of society and becomes a stimulus to social activity for both women and men.Recent research and publications analysis. At the present stage, Ukrainian researchers rely in their gender studies on the work of such Western authors as D. Butler, N.Khodorov, R. Bridotti, D. Dinerstein, D. Mitchell, E. Gross, K. Millet and S. de Beauvoir.In Russia, women's issues were developed by: A. Temkina, O. Zdravomyslova, O.Pushkareva.In Ukraine, the most famous are such researchers as I. Zherobkina, M. Alchuk, K.Karpenko, N. Chukhim and others.In Modern Ukraine, such researchers as Solomiya Pavlychko, Milena Rudnytska, Nila Zborovska, Maryana Rubchak and others have dealt with this issue.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. Involving women in power and participating in politics (not just the right to vote) is the most important sign of a healthy democracy. Women's participation in politics is closing the gap that has so far prevented the formation of a truly democratic society and culture. And the parity of men and women in the adoption of state decisions is one of the prerequisites for democracy. Meanwhile, our women in positions of responsibility must constantly prove that they can act no worse than men, although at the same time they are forced to spend time caring for children and all housework.Paper main body. Realizing that humanity consists of two different but equal sexes, society must change its character in the public and private lives of men and women, because the worlds of public and private life are intertwined and interdependent. Now this balance is disturbed, women have en masse entered public life, but the organization of home life has not changed. This misunderstanding is based on the ancient tradition of neglecting the world of women and the unwillingness to bear some of the burden of women on the shoulders of men.Although scientific terminology is not yet fully established, so the words "gender" and "gender" and their derivatives are sometimes used interchangeably, their distinction is of fundamental importance. Gender is a natural physical phenomenon that allows for objective measurement. Gender is a historically, culturally determined category by which people group certain qualities, giving them a symbolic meaning.From all the above, the following worldview conclusions follow: the gender division of labor and norms of male and female behavior are not universal, but historically variable, they can and should be treated critically. The use of certain terms depends on the context. Thus, we see that the concept of "gender" means a complex socio-cultural process of society forming differences in male and female roles, behavior, mental and emotional characteristics, and the result itself - the social construct of gender.Modern gender theory does not try to deny the existence of certain biological, social, psychological differences between specific women and specific men. She argues that this fact of difference is not as important as her socio-cultural assessment, interpretation, and construction of a system of power based on these differences.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. The Ukrainian intellectual space seeks to explore and use in socio-political practice the best achievements of world thought and civilization, among which a significant role belongs to gender studies, which are not losing popularity in the XXI century. acquiring new features and new meaning.Our state seeks to embody advanced democratic ideals, ensure the welfare of the people and the prosperity of the nation. And, as you know, a sign of culture and civilization of society is the attitude towards women, who in Ukraine are the majority of the population. Indeed, a democratic state cannot ignore the position and status of women in society, their right to self-affirmation in the private and public spheres, and the female voice in culture, politics, and society. The realities of today show the existence of serious problems in this area, and therefore the need for a thorough study of the situation of women in modern Ukraine.However, a significant part of Ukrainian society and even serious scholars are wary of feminist ideas, and sometimes hostile (as a danger to "real" women's interests, hatred of men or sexual dissatisfaction).It is feminism that offers a new alternative to women's choice, hard physical work or isolation in the private sphere and family responsibilities, and women need such an alternative not to make a choice without a choice, but to get all the opportunities of civilization. In this direction, feminism and gender studies are now humanizing the public consciousness.At the current stage of development of the civil service, it is necessary to develop mechanisms for implementing gender policy in the civil service, the formation and development of gender culture and gender education of civil servants of Ukraine. ; У статті проаналізовано фемінізм, гендерні дослідження та їх роль в українському суспільстві. Розглянуто розвиток гендерних студій в Україні, формування образу жінки в суспільній свідомості, місце гендерної проблематики в теорії і практиці державного управління в Україні, підвищення його гуманітарної складової через залучення гендерного компоненту до гуманітарної парадигми. Зроблено декілька зауважень про патріархальну ідеологію в Україні та світі. Досліджено становлення гендерних стереотипів та спроби їх подолання шляхом активізації діяльності жіночих організацій. Проаналізовано становище жінок і його вплив на розвиток суспільної свідомості і вдосконалення механізмів державного управління. Розглянуто розвиток теорій, які аналізують становище жінок в історичному вимірі.
The article considers the essence of tendencies of formation of election technologies on the territory of Ukraine, highlights the main stages of development of election technologies and analyzes the application of election technologies during election campaigns in Ukraine. The main varieties and models of electoral technologies are characterized, the application of image political technologies is substantiated. Image technologies are an extremely complex phenomenon, which is created on the basis of a combination of activity, psychological, informational and emotional - communicative factors. It is a combination of rational and irrational factors influencing the mass consciousness, which involve a combination of political, psychological and sociological research. Political image is a set of ideas, perceptions and beliefs that an individual or group of individuals has about various political phenomena or goods. As a rule, the concept of image refers to a specific person, but can apply to a group of people, organization, product. With the help of the image, a bright image is created in the mass consciousness, which is remembered and arouses the sympathy of the electorate for the politician or the party. In politics, a well-formed image of a candidate is a guarantee of victory in elections, because in the current political culture, the attention of a potential voter is focused on a person who represents a certain political force, so a well-chosen image of the candidate guarantees high ratings. The scale of issues of relevance of election technologies during election campaigns is outlined. The article shows the qualitative changes in electoral technologies and the application of innovations during the electoral struggle during the independence of the state. The issue of using "black" and "white" PR technologies is covered, the moral and ethical choice of politicians to achieve their own goal is outlined. The influence of civil society and the level of political culture on the development of electoral technologies is studied. The "Orange Revolution" in Ukraine, which became a turning point in the political struggle between rival parties is analyzed. ; У статті розглянуто сутність тенденцій становлення виборчих технологій на теренах України, виділені основні етапи розвитку виборчих технологій, проаналізовано застосування виборчих технологій під час електоральних кампаній в Україні. Охарактеризовано основні різновиди та моделі виборчих технологій, обгрунтовано застосування іміджевих політичних технологій. Іміджеві технології є надскладним феноменом, який створюється на основі поєднання діяльнісних, психологічних, інформаційних та емоційно-комунікативних чинників. Це поєднання раціональних та ірраціональних чинників впливу на масову свідомість, які передбачають поєднання політичних, психологічних і соціологічних наукових досліджень. Політичний імідж - це сукупність уявлень, сприйняття і переконань, які має індивід або група індивідів про різні політичні явища або товари. Поняття іміджу здебільшого відноситься до конкретної людини, але може розповсюджуватися на групу осіб, організацію, товар. За допомогою іміджу створюється яскравий образ у масовій свідомості, який запам'ятовується та схиляє симпатії електорату до політика чи партії. У політиці вдало сформований імідж кандидата - це запорука перемоги на виборах, бо в умовах нинішньої політичної культури увага потенційного виборця концентрується саме на особистості, яка представляє певну політичну силу, тому вдало підібраний образ кандидату гарантує високі рейтинги. У статті окреслено шкалу питань актуальності виборчих технологій під час електоральних кампаній, показані якісні зміни виборчих технологій, застосування інновацій у період електоральної боротьби за часів незалежності держави. Висвітлено питання використання «чорних» і «білих» PR-технологій, окреслено морально-етичний вибір політиків для досягнення власної мети. Досліджено вплив громадянського суспільства та рівень політичної культури на розвиток виборчих технологій. Проаналізована «помаранчева революція» в Україні, яка стала переломним моментом у веденні політичної боротьби між конкуруючими партіями.
The article analyses the problems of political adaptation of Ukrainians. Military conflict in the East of Ukraine, annexation of the Crimea, socioeconomic crisis, distrust to power institutions have all caused a number of issues associated with the internally displaced people. Political adaptive relations in the society are viewed as processes of identification in which a person identifies him\herself with certain aims and political values.The main problem, which internally displaced people face, include access to social services, having a constant place of residence and registering at the new place of residence. Such citizens receive help through oblast administrations and NGOs. As practice shows, the actions of the authorities regarding the problems of internally displaced people are mostly of a declarative nature. However, in addition to social and psychological, political adaptation is also important as it facilitates the integration of a society and its development.Factors that influence the political adaptation of internally displaced people in the modern Ukrainian society have been identified. 1. The set system of relations between a person and the state is ruined due to state institution crisis and power decentralization. 2. The possibilities for political activity of individuals as well as social groups in the course of exercising their rights and satisfying their interests are widened. 3. Activation of non-governmental institutions facilitates the organized citizen participation in the political process, which facilitates the popularization of an active public opinion. 4. Peculiarities of the work of political actors, their reputation, level of responsibility and efficiency. 5. Social environment of a person, level of his/her education and political culture. 6. Mass media, which popularize certain patterns of political behavior, manipulate consciousness, impose stereotypes etc.The author notes that internally displaced people are limited in their rights and freedoms in comparison with the rest of the population (deprivation of the right to vote, discriminative control of their place of residence, limitations as to the choice of a banking institution for receiving pensions and social support etc.). internally displaced people actually have no right to participate in solving local issues, despite the fact that this right is guaranteed by the Constitution of Ukraine. By this we mean participation in public hearings, local initiatives, general assembly of the community. In addition, internally displaced people cannot participate in establishment of bodies of population self-organization, which is one of the important forms of participation of territorial community members in solving local issues.There is an ambiguous attitude towards the IDPs from the East of Ukraine – compassion mixed with apprehension. On the one hand, local authorities wish to provide maximum possible help for the internally displaced people. At the same time, there is a growing tension in the relations due to the increasing number of citizens who died in the zone of the conflict.One of the key problems that hinders the adaptation of IDPs is the absence of a common national program concerning the internally displaces people as well as of a body that would be directly responsible for dealing with the issues of IDPs. Consequently, displaced people cannot trust state institutions, may perceive the political system as an enemy that does not facilitate their socialization.The process of political adaptation of internally displaced people to the change of political space has certain peculiar features. 1. Social disorientation is caused by the deformation of the socioeconomic system of a society and is a consequence of destruction of social links, statuses and roles, the system of political norms, behavioral ideals. 2. New social identification happens through establishment of new social identities and entering the institutional structure of a society. 3. Collective political participation is carried out through citizen associations, influence on making important political decisions is made at the level of non-governmental institutions. 4. Tolerance to value foundations of a democratic society is being established. ; The article analyses the problems of political adaptation of Ukrainians. Military conflict in the East of Ukraine, annexation of the Crimea, socioeconomic crisis, distrust to power institutions have all caused a number of issues associated with the internally displaced people. Political adaptive relations in the society are viewed as processes of identification in which a person identifies him\herself with certain aims and political values.The main problem, which internally displaced people face, include access to social services, having a constant place of residence and registering at the new place of residence. Such citizens receive help through oblast administrations and NGOs. As practice shows, the actions of the authorities regarding the problems of internally displaced people are mostly of a declarative nature. However, in addition to social and psychological, political adaptation is also important as it facilitates the integration of a society and its development.Factors that influence the political adaptation of internally displaced people in the modern Ukrainian society have been identified. 1. The set system of relations between a person and the state is ruined due to state institution crisis and power decentralization. 2. The possibilities for political activity of individuals as well as social groups in the course of exercising their rights and satisfying their interests are widened. 3. Activation of non-governmental institutions facilitates the organized citizen participation in the political process, which facilitates the popularization of an active public opinion. 4. Peculiarities of the work of political actors, their reputation, level of responsibility and efficiency. 5. Social environment of a person, level of his/her education and political culture. 6. Mass media, which popularize certain patterns of political behavior, manipulate consciousness, impose stereotypes etc.The author notes that internally displaced people are limited in their rights and freedoms in comparison with the rest of the population (deprivation of the right to vote, discriminative control of their place of residence, limitations as to the choice of a banking institution for receiving pensions and social support etc.). internally displaced people actually have no right to participate in solving local issues, despite the fact that this right is guaranteed by the Constitution of Ukraine. By this we mean participation in public hearings, local initiatives, general assembly of the community. In addition, internally displaced people cannot participate in establishment of bodies of population self-organization, which is one of the important forms of participation of territorial community members in solving local issues.There is an ambiguous attitude towards the IDPs from the East of Ukraine – compassion mixed with apprehension. On the one hand, local authorities wish to provide maximum possible help for the internally displaced people. At the same time, there is a growing tension in the relations due to the increasing number of citizens who died in the zone of the conflict.One of the key problems that hinders the adaptation of IDPs is the absence of a common national program concerning the internally displaces people as well as of a body that would be directly responsible for dealing with the issues of IDPs. Consequently, displaced people cannot trust state institutions, may perceive the political system as an enemy that does not facilitate their socialization.The process of political adaptation of internally displaced people to the change of political space has certain peculiar features. 1. Social disorientation is caused by the deformation of the socioeconomic system of a society and is a consequence of destruction of social links, statuses and roles, the system of political norms, behavioral ideals. 2. New social identification happens through establishment of new social identities and entering the institutional structure of a society. 3. Collective political participation is carried out through citizen associations, influence on making important political decisions is made at the level of non-governmental institutions. 4. Tolerance to value foundations of a democratic society is being established.
The article analyses the problems of political adaptation of Ukrainians. Military conflict in the East of Ukraine, annexation of the Crimea, socioeconomic crisis, distrust to power institutions have all caused a number of issues associated with the internally displaced people. Political adaptive relations in the society are viewed as processes of identification in which a person identifies him\herself with certain aims and political values.The main problem, which internally displaced people face, include access to social services, having a constant place of residence and registering at the new place of residence. Such citizens receive help through oblast administrations and NGOs. As practice shows, the actions of the authorities regarding the problems of internally displaced people are mostly of a declarative nature. However, in addition to social and psychological, political adaptation is also important as it facilitates the integration of a society and its development.Factors that influence the political adaptation of internally displaced people in the modern Ukrainian society have been identified. 1. The set system of relations between a person and the state is ruined due to state institution crisis and power decentralization. 2. The possibilities for political activity of individuals as well as social groups in the course of exercising their rights and satisfying their interests are widened. 3. Activation of non-governmental institutions facilitates the organized citizen participation in the political process, which facilitates the popularization of an active public opinion. 4. Peculiarities of the work of political actors, their reputation, level of responsibility and efficiency. 5. Social environment of a person, level of his/her education and political culture. 6. Mass media, which popularize certain patterns of political behavior, manipulate consciousness, impose stereotypes etc.The author notes that internally displaced people are limited in their rights and freedoms in comparison with the rest of the population (deprivation of the right to vote, discriminative control of their place of residence, limitations as to the choice of a banking institution for receiving pensions and social support etc.). internally displaced people actually have no right to participate in solving local issues, despite the fact that this right is guaranteed by the Constitution of Ukraine. By this we mean participation in public hearings, local initiatives, general assembly of the community. In addition, internally displaced people cannot participate in establishment of bodies of population self-organization, which is one of the important forms of participation of territorial community members in solving local issues.There is an ambiguous attitude towards the IDPs from the East of Ukraine – compassion mixed with apprehension. On the one hand, local authorities wish to provide maximum possible help for the internally displaced people. At the same time, there is a growing tension in the relations due to the increasing number of citizens who died in the zone of the conflict.One of the key problems that hinders the adaptation of IDPs is the absence of a common national program concerning the internally displaces people as well as of a body that would be directly responsible for dealing with the issues of IDPs. Consequently, displaced people cannot trust state institutions, may perceive the political system as an enemy that does not facilitate their socialization.The process of political adaptation of internally displaced people to the change of political space has certain peculiar features. 1. Social disorientation is caused by the deformation of the socioeconomic system of a society and is a consequence of destruction of social links, statuses and roles, the system of political norms, behavioral ideals. 2. New social identification happens through establishment of new social identities and entering the institutional structure of a society. 3. Collective political participation is carried out through citizen associations, influence on making important political decisions is made at the level of non-governmental institutions. 4. Tolerance to value foundations of a democratic society is being established. ; The article analyses the problems of political adaptation of Ukrainians. Military conflict in the East of Ukraine, annexation of the Crimea, socioeconomic crisis, distrust to power institutions have all caused a number of issues associated with the internally displaced people. Political adaptive relations in the society are viewed as processes of identification in which a person identifies him\herself with certain aims and political values.The main problem, which internally displaced people face, include access to social services, having a constant place of residence and registering at the new place of residence. Such citizens receive help through oblast administrations and NGOs. As practice shows, the actions of the authorities regarding the problems of internally displaced people are mostly of a declarative nature. However, in addition to social and psychological, political adaptation is also important as it facilitates the integration of a society and its development.Factors that influence the political adaptation of internally displaced people in the modern Ukrainian society have been identified. 1. The set system of relations between a person and the state is ruined due to state institution crisis and power decentralization. 2. The possibilities for political activity of individuals as well as social groups in the course of exercising their rights and satisfying their interests are widened. 3. Activation of non-governmental institutions facilitates the organized citizen participation in the political process, which facilitates the popularization of an active public opinion. 4. Peculiarities of the work of political actors, their reputation, level of responsibility and efficiency. 5. Social environment of a person, level of his/her education and political culture. 6. Mass media, which popularize certain patterns of political behavior, manipulate consciousness, impose stereotypes etc.The author notes that internally displaced people are limited in their rights and freedoms in comparison with the rest of the population (deprivation of the right to vote, discriminative control of their place of residence, limitations as to the choice of a banking institution for receiving pensions and social support etc.). internally displaced people actually have no right to participate in solving local issues, despite the fact that this right is guaranteed by the Constitution of Ukraine. By this we mean participation in public hearings, local initiatives, general assembly of the community. In addition, internally displaced people cannot participate in establishment of bodies of population self-organization, which is one of the important forms of participation of territorial community members in solving local issues.There is an ambiguous attitude towards the IDPs from the East of Ukraine – compassion mixed with apprehension. On the one hand, local authorities wish to provide maximum possible help for the internally displaced people. At the same time, there is a growing tension in the relations due to the increasing number of citizens who died in the zone of the conflict.One of the key problems that hinders the adaptation of IDPs is the absence of a common national program concerning the internally displaces people as well as of a body that would be directly responsible for dealing with the issues of IDPs. Consequently, displaced people cannot trust state institutions, may perceive the political system as an enemy that does not facilitate their socialization.The process of political adaptation of internally displaced people to the change of political space has certain peculiar features. 1. Social disorientation is caused by the deformation of the socioeconomic system of a society and is a consequence of destruction of social links, statuses and roles, the system of political norms, behavioral ideals. 2. New social identification happens through establishment of new social identities and entering the institutional structure of a society. 3. Collective political participation is carried out through citizen associations, influence on making important political decisions is made at the level of non-governmental institutions. 4. Tolerance to value foundations of a democratic society is being established.
Contemporary Ukrainian state and society pass through complicated and contradictory period of transformation of socio-economic, political, spiritual and moral relations. The youth, as subject and object of policy, social and cultural relations, mirrors the features of Ukrainian political system's evolution and cultural evolution in its vital activity. The youth is an important part of Ukrainian society, the medium of its intellectual potential, a main factor of socio-economic progress. Process of state building largely depends on capability of youth to be an active creative power.Nevertheless, it should be noted, that significant part of youth has no reliable political and socio-cultural reference points, civic consciousness isn't formed, spiritual and moral ideals are lost, increasingly the youth regards with negative to socially useful activities and becomes most separated from society and state than previous generations.Meantime effective socialization of youth is a necessary condition for a constant development of Ukrainian political system, largely depictures the future of the country. Perspective of society's further development primarily depend on the features of formation of the political culture of youth, its political values, socio-political orientation, political choice, attitude to power.In this regard, necessity of studying processes, what spread across youth subculture, political analysis of youth subcultural differentiation, production technologies and mechanisms for prevention deviant behaviour and crises among young people, appears.The socio-economic and spiritual development of Ukraine is impossible without concentration on resolving the problems of the youth as future of our country, a guarantor of social and economic progress, because an immutable truth is that further development mostly depend on providing young generations with decent conditions for life. In despite of declared realization of this truth, a majority of countries in the world starts new millennium with a significant burden of unsolved problems of youth, most of them, for a example, imparity of youth, unemployment, marginalization of young people, propagation of illegal social practices and asocial manifestations among young people, youth health problems and some marital and family problems etc., now shows tendency to intensification.Under conditions of deep economic and demographic crisis, crisis of culture and ideology, of post-Soviet countries, including Ukraine, youth problems in different areas of life become more specific, they entail hard and prolonged consequences, therefore, they need be analyzed deeply and regulated, realistic and balanced youth policy must be developed.The term "youth" is treated diversely in many branches of science - philosophy, sociology, political science, pedagogy, psychology etc. Its generalized version is suggested in encyclopedias and determines the youth as a separate socio-demographic group that differs in a complex of age characteristics, features of social status, that are determined by social system, culture, regularity of socialization, education in terms of a particular society.The youth, within the meaning of current age ranges of youth in Ukraine (according to national legislation an age range of youth is 15 - 34 years), makes up the significant part of the population of Ukraine. Now the youth contingent in Ukraine is demographically heterogeneous, because the youth unites in itself groups of rather a broad age range – from teenagers (15-17 years), post teenagers (18-19 years old) to much more experienced in age and socially persons and adults, that are over 30 years old (30-34 years).It should be considered that the youth is socially heterogeneous. Yong workers, villagers, students, political leaders, representatives of the business community, migrants, young specialists, marginal people with different degree of success adapt to market economy, frequently orient themselves on contradictory political and spiritual values.The position of youth political culture, as well as society generally, is largely fragmented. The separate groups of the youth differ from each other in the interest to policy, level of inclusion in the political life, orientations on different ideological and political currents of modern Ukraine. All this differences haven't characterized as acute antagonism and haven't led to excessive politicization yet.The young people significantly differ from older generations, because they almost got rid of illusions that somebody can solve their own problems. They are individualistic and pragmatic, relate to the modern authority rather neutrally and don't connect any positive changes with it.The young generation perceives the policy and the authority as entity that cause neither admiration, nor especially acute negative emotions. First of all, it proves in removal of a large number of the youth from political life. In some measure apathy of youth, first of all, appears because the reforms that take place in Ukraine impact on the youth most painfully, and because of absence of understanding policy towards youth as an independent socio-demographic group, also because the youth, on the one hand, doesn't see necessity to change something cardinally in environment, but, on the other hand, doesn't consider political activity as something important, it finds most perspective methods and forms of self-fulfillment. As a result – total alienation of the youth from the authority, that can be transformed into active rejection at any time.Today state only declares principles of political culture of participation and public culture. During period of formation of the youth generation it is necessary to examine the situation, to explore the depth and sharpness of social problems, to establish monitoring of youth life.Modern problems such as crisis of relationship of generations, impairment of vital parameters, formation of specific youth subculture and counterculture etc., demonstrate that all structures of socialization together – family, environment and even education, become not enough to solve the problems of society when new generations come on and it is not enough to solve the problems of youth, that takes on its historical subjectivity.Liberal views of youth are often formed under the influence of education, cultural environment, family socialization, but are not the result of a «rational» choice. State youth policy, as an innovative Institute, has it own particularities and the main one of them is that it is specialized and was built on innovative forms of activity. These forms are associated with deep process of knowledge and management. They need political will and great resources to be realized. The payment for that are guaranteed results of activity, without what society can't exist and develop no longer.As a result of new situation, what appeared because political activity in labor and educational groups had been prohibited, the policy moved on from industrial and academic areas to the sphere of free time of youth and led new youth organizations on the competition with traditional structures of free time. The youth structures could gain neither recognition, nor authority on broad stratums of the rising generation.The perspective of further development of society connects, first of all, with features of the formation of political culture of youth, its political values, a socio-political orientation, political choice and attitude towards the authority.The formation of consciousness of the category of population is strategically important for the state, because working politically active forces will be replaced exactly by today's youth. Now it is hard to manipulate the young people, they are very sensitive and note everything that takes place in society. May be, some part of them go to policy in order to make money, but for the most of them is important to realize their own opinions.The current political situation in Ukraine makes the youth think about a lot of questions: how can I, young man, decide something and affect the situation in the country (the region); how much does my vote weigh in elections etc. One of the most important factors that can push these people into active public deeds is confidence of an opportunity that something can be changed by their choice and decision.The modern politicians come to understanding that the slogans are ineffective and the youth can't be conquered with appeals on TV. The new generation is more independent than previous one and, the most important of this, that it has a choice. The votes of youth will not be cast without any reason – someone must work with it. The experience of last decades proves that only when countries pay much attention on work with youth they will success in policy and economy. A sustainable progress is demonstrated by societies that have looked over the system of traditional opinions about new generation and it importance for political and socio-economical development (for example, Germany, Sweden).In Ukraine a program of state and public actions in this sphere and mechanisms of solving these problems is determined by modern national policy. The especial attention should be paid to solving problems of youth self-realization and formation of young citizens.There is 367 003 persons (30,67 percent of all population of the region) of young people from 14 to 35 years old in Mykolaiv, including citizens - 251 712 persons and villagers - 115 291 persons. The youth needs permanent protection and help of state. However to give support to the youth doesn't mean to solve all its problems. First of all, it means to give the youth an opportunity to solve problems by itself.The Regional Program "The Youth of Mykolaiv Region" on 2011-2015 years becomes a strategic document. The conception determines directions of relationship's development between the state and the youth at the regional level. The most optimal way and method of solution are:to develop the scientifically argumentative strategy of implementation of public policy towards the youth of region;to popularize efficiency, availability and creation of extensive network of youth social infrastructure, a directing on activity that will satisfy needs and create the necessary conditions for effective socialization of young people;to promote youth occupation by introduction the system of career-guidance, creation the conditions for secondary employment, provision with fist job, stimulation to make business, outspread of youth information field concerning existing professions and demand for them; to promote youth employment and youth entrepreneurship by expansion of employment, professional training of youth, giving an opportunity to realize youth projects;to involve the youth in realization of social programs and projects of state youth policy that are directed on solving problems according to Program;to create a complex system of social protection for representatives in special categories of youth community, to render social assistance and support for the youth that is in crisis;to create conditions for providing social assistance and modeling healthy lifestyle among all groups of youth in Mykolaiv;to encourage the creative self-realization and total evolution of youth, to support the youth initiatives and activities at different spheres of life, to implement incentives in order to improve the cultural level of youth;to implement the mechanism how to inform youth community by mass media and Internet-resource;to implement measures to create conditions for youth loans;to promote the youth integration towards world and European community, the exchange of experience and joint activities of the youth at the regional and the national levels;to promote spiritual and physical development of young people in Mykolaiv region, a high patriotic consciousness, a national pride, a formation and development of motivation that is directed to preparation for doing public and constitutional duty in order to protect the national interests of Ukraine.Now it is possible to use young people in realization of youth police by enlisting them in youth and children public organizations. These organizations are one of the most important social institutes that promote a formation of civil society. The public organizations have exclusive opportunities for political socialization of youth, because they are not only a key-note subject of youth policy that affects its formation and realization, but also are good staff reserve for the public authorities and local government. The social movement is the force that can't be ignored and should not be ignored.So, it is important to create legal and other conditions for cooperation of the authority, youth public organizations and active representatives of this part of population. The principal revolution in youth attitude to policy will take place only when it feels itself a real member of process of transformation and development in Ukrainian society. ; Статья посвящена исследованию особенностей формирования политической куль-туры молодежи, ее политических ценностей, социально-политических ориентиров в период трансформации украинского общества, анализируется роль государства в формировании и реализации современной молодежной политики. ; Статтю присвячено дослідженню особливостей формування політичної культури молоді, її політичних цінностей, соціально-політичних орієнтирів у період трансформації українського суспільства, проаналізовано роль держави у формуванні та реалізації сучасної молодіжної політики.
Problems of political responsibility using as an important tool for regulating and controlling the political process have recently occupied one of the central places in modern political discourse. The multifaceted nature of the political responsibility concept provokes a lot of debate among scholars, which creates a different attitude to its subject composition and the order of application. Certainly, the issue of legitimation of political responsibility deserves additional attention and necessitates further research of its subjective composition. The political responsibility of the election process subjects in the perspective of the new consolidated document introduction - the Electoral Code of Ukraine, justified the relevance of the chosen research topic. Based on the analysis of legitimate legislative acts and the experience of elections in Ukraine, the peculiarities of the political responsibility of the subjects of the election process were singled out. It has been established that all subjects of the electoral process can bear some political responsibility form. The political responsibility peculiarity of these subjects is the presence of political and legal responsibility only in the Central Election Commission, political parties and persons who have registered themselves as candidates in specific political elections. Based on the comparative analysis, the grounds for political responsibility of political parties and political candidates were identified, which are political inaction, illegal activities directed against territorial integrity and sovereignty, failure to fulfill program campaign promises, immoral or unethical behavior, and sanctions -ban, cancellation of registration public condemnation, criticism from the media, public organizations, voters, society, non-re-election, public recognition of their mistakes, acts of public disobedience, etc. The study provides grounds to assert that the political responsibility of voters lies in making the wrong political choice and non-participation in the electoral process. All of these entities, official observers and voters bear moral and political responsibility in the action or inaction form. The lack of legally prescribed political and legal responsibility for all subjects of the election process leads to an increased number of minor procedural violations during voting and counting of votes, negligent attitude to the election process as a whole. ; Проблеми застосування політичної відповідальності як важливого інструменту регулювання та контролю політичного процесу останнім часом посідають одне із центральних місць в сучасному політологічному дискурсі. Багатогранність поняття політичноі відповідальності викликає чимало дискусій серед науковців, що викликає неоднакове ставлення до ii суб'єктного складу та порядку застосування. Питання легітимації політичноі відповідальності заслуговує на додаткову увагу та викликає необхідність проведення подальших досліджень ii суб'єктивного складу. Політична відповідальність суб'єктів виборчого процесу в ракурсі введення у дію нового консолідованого документу - Виборчого кодексу України обгрунтувала актуальність обраної теми дослідження. На основі аналізу легітимних законодавчих актів та досвіду виборів в Україні були виокремленні особливості політичноі відповідальності суб'єктів виборчого процесу. Встановлено, що усі суб'єкти виборчого процесу можуть понести ту чи іншу форму політичноі відповідальності. Особливістю політичноі відповідальності вказаних суб'єктів є наявність поттико-ггравової відповідальності тільки у Центральної виборчої комісії, політичних партій та осіб, які зареєстрували себе в якості кандидатів на конкретних політичних виборах. На основі проведеного порівняльного аналізу виявлені підстави політичноі відповідальності політичних партій і політичних кандидатів, якими є політична бездіяльність, незаконна діяльність, спрямована проти територіальної цілісності та суверенітету, нездійснення програмних передвиборчих обіцянок, аморальна чи неетична поведінка, а санкціями слугують заборона діяльності, анулювання реєстраційного свідоцтва, суспільний осуд, критика з боку ЗМІ, громадських організацій, виборців, суспільства, непереобрання на новий термін, публічне визнання своїх помилок, акції громадської непокори тощо. Проведене дослідження дає підстави стверджувати, що політична відповідальність виборців полягає у здійсненні неправильного політичного вибору та неучасті у виборчому процесі. Усі вказані суб'єкти, офіційні спостерігачі та виборці несуть морально-політичну відповідальність у вигляді дії чи бездіяльності. Відсутність законодавчо передбаченої політико-правово'і відповідальності у всіх суб'єктів виборчого процесу призводить до підвищеної кількості незначних процесуальних правопорушень під час голосування та підрахунку голосів, недбалого ставлення до виборчого процесу загалом.
