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Electronic voting systems have become a powerful technology for the improvement of democracy by reducing the cost of elections, increasing voter turnout and even allowing voters to directly check the entire electoral process. End-to-end (E2E) verifiability has been widely identified as a critical property for the adoption of such voting systems for electoral procedures. Moreover, one of the pillars of any vote, apart from the secret of the vote and the integrity of the result, lies in the transparency of the process, the possibility for the voters "to understand the underlying system" without resorting to the competences techniques. The end-to-end verifiable electronic voting systems proposed in the literature do not always guarantee it because they require additional configuration hypotheses, for example the existence of a trusted third party as a random source or the existence of a random beacon. Hence, building a reliable verifiable end-to-end voting system offering confidentiality and integrity remains an open research problem. In this work, we are presenting a new verifiable end-to-end electronic voting system requiring only the existence of a coherent voting board, fault-tolerant, which stores all election-related information and allows any party as well as voters to read and verify the entire election process. The property of our system is information guaranteed given the existence of the bulletin board, the involvement of the voters and the political parties in the process. This involvement does not compromise the confidentiality nor integrity of the elections and does not require cryptographic operations on the voters account. ; Les systèmes de vote électronique sont devenus une technologie puissante pour amé-liorer la démocratie en réduisant le coût des élections, en augmentant la participation des électeurs et en permettant même aux électeurs de vérifier directement l'ensemble de la procédure électorale. Cependant, la vérification de bout en bout (E2E) a été largement identifiée comme une propriété ...

International audience ; Electronic voting systems have become a powerful technology for the improvement of democracy by reducing the cost of elections, increasing voter turnout and even allowing voters to directly check the entire electoral process. End-to-end (E2E) verifiability has been widely identified as a critical property for the adoption of such voting systems for electoral procedures. Moreover, one of the pillars of any vote, apart from the secret of the vote and the integrity of the result, lies in the transparency of the process, the possibility for the voters "to understand the underlying system" without resorting to the competences techniques. The end-to-end verifiable electronic voting systems proposed in the literature do not always guarantee it because they require additional configuration hypotheses, for example the existence of a trusted third party as a random source or the existence of a random beacon. Hence, building a reliable verifiable end-to-end voting system offering confidentiality and integrity remains an open research problem. In this work, we are presenting a new verifiable end-to-end electronic voting system requiring only the existence of a coherent voting board, fault-tolerant, which stores all election-related information and allows any party as well as voters to read and verify the entire election process. The property of our system is information guaranteed given the existence of the bulletin board, the involvement of the voters and the political parties in the process. This involvement does not compromise the confidentiality nor integrity of the elections and does not require cryptographic operations on the voters account. ; Les systèmes de vote électronique sont devenus une technologie puissante pour amé-liorer la démocratie en réduisant le coût des élections, en augmentant la participation des électeurs et en permettant même aux électeurs de vérifier directement l'ensemble de la procédure électorale. Cependant, la vérification de bout en bout (E2E) a été largement ...

Electronic voting systems have become a powerful technology for the improvement of democracy by reducing the cost of elections, increasing voter turnout and even allowing voters to directly check the entire electoral process. End-to-end (E2E) verifiability has been widely identified as a critical property for the adoption of such voting systems for electoral procedures. Moreover, one of the pillars of any vote, apart from the secret of the vote and the integrity of the result, lies in the transparency of the process, the possibility for the voters "to understand the underlying system" without resorting to the competences techniques. The end-to-end verifiable electronic voting systems proposed in the literature do not always guarantee it because they require additional configuration hypotheses, for example the existence of a trusted third party as a random source or the existence of a random beacon. Hence, building a reliable verifiable end-to-end voting system offering confidentiality and integrity remains an open research problem. In this work, we are presenting a new verifiable end-to-end electronic voting system requiring only the existence of a coherent voting board, fault-tolerant, which stores all election-related information and allows any party as well as voters to read and verify the entire election process. The property of our system is information guaranteed given the existence of the bulletin board, the involvement of the voters and the political parties in the process. This involvement does not compromise the confidentiality nor integrity of the elections and does not require cryptographic operations on the voters account. ; Les systèmes de vote électronique sont devenus une technologie puissante pour amé-liorer la démocratie en réduisant le coût des élections, en augmentant la participation des électeurs et en permettant même aux électeurs de vérifier directement l'ensemble de la procédure électorale. Cependant, la vérification de bout en bout (E2E) a été largement identifiée comme une propriété ...

Since 1990, the president of the Republic of Poland has been elected by direct popular vote. In this period, the position of the office of president has undergone significant change. Each consecutive legal act of a constitutional nature (the Small Constitution of 1992 and the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997) imposed limitations on the range of competences (powers) of the president. Is it thus necessary to revise the current rules of how the head of state is elected? To help answer this question, an attempt was made to view the issue raised in the title of the paper from three perspectives: 1) systemic rationality, 2) political parties as the main political actors and 3) a citizen-based approach as reflected in the preferences and behaviours of the sovereign.

Epistocracy, roughly amounts to distributing political power in accordance with each citizen's competence for political decision-making. The problem, epistocrats hold, is that most voters in democracies are incompetent to vote. A central element of this diagnosis is that bad outcomes are largely attributable to lay citizens' incapacity to choose the right means to foster their preferences. I call this the Preferences/Means Discrepancy. Based on this diagnosis, most epistocrats argue that the best way to improve outcomes is by implementing some form of restricted electorate constituted by those deemed competent to vote. In this paper I elucidate epistocrats' understanding of competence to challenge the epistocratic idea of improving outcomes by restricting the electorate. I argue that the restricted electorate would fail to be competent under epistocrats' own terms, because it is faced with an epistemic problem: The Information Gap Problem. Epistocrats most likely definition of competence seems to be to possess relevant information. However, a restricted electorate would be formed by a homogeneous elite, which would therefore have limited access to a key form of information, namely, lay citizens' preferences. This gap of information questions the competence of the restricted electorate and makes epistocracy unsuited to address the Preferences/Means Discrepancy. ; National Agency for Investigation and Development (ANID) 72170205 ; Versión publicada - versión final del editor

I argue that democratic citizens have a duty to educate themselves politically. My argument proceeds in two stages. First, I establish a case for the moral importance of individual competence for voting, but also maintain that the substantial content of the required competence must remain open. I do this by way of an assessment of Jason Brennan's provocative defense of epistocracy. I try to show that there is no notion of political competence that can meet with reasonable agreement among citizens and that voter qualification exams are therefore illegitimate. Second, I maintain that the basic premise of Brennan's argument, the right to a competent electorate, is valid and that it corresponds to an individual duty to educate oneself politically. This duty is, in Kant's terminology, a wide and imperfect duty that we owe to our fellow democratic citizens. Yet since the content of competence must be left open, this moral duty cannot be transformed into a legal obligation. ; publishedVersion

Scholarly interest in issue ownership is growing rapidly. Although originally introduced as a competence-oriented, alternative concept to the predominantly spatial understanding of voting and party behaviour, parties' policy positions are an inescapable aspect of issue ownership. Using data for multiple issues in several countries over time, this article shows that the party with issue ownership sides with the median voter. A party earns issue ownership by taking up a position as close to as many voters as possible. Moreover, the analysis indicates that a party's issue emphasis only matters to issue ownership insofar as it is used as a device to make its position credible to voters. Hence, to have issue ownership is to have a credible position, and in that sense, issue ownership has less added theoretical value to spatial proximity than previous literature suggests.

Younger adults (YA) judgments of political candidates' competence from facial appearance accurately predict electoral success. Whether this is true for older adults (OA) has not been investigated despite the fact that OA are more likely to vote than YA and may respond differently to particular facial qualities. We examined whether OA and YA ratings of competence, trustworthiness, attractiveness, and babyfaceness of opposing candidates in US Senate elections independently predicted their own vote choices and actual election outcomes. OA and YA ratings of attractiveness, competence, and trustworthiness positively predicted their choices, but the effect of competence was weaker for OA. Babyfaceness negatively predicted OA, but not YA, choices. OA and YA competence ratings equally predicted the actual election winners, while OA, but not YA, attractiveness ratings did so. Trustworthy and babyface ratings did not predict actual winners. These findings have implications for understanding age differences in candidate preferences and the prediction of election outcomes.

The present research addresses how voters' perceptions of Hillary Clinton's warmth and competence influenced decisions to vote for her in the 2008 Democratic primary. We apply research on gender stereotypes and perceptions of women leaders to demonstrate that voters perceived Clinton as highly competent but relatively less warm. Further, this research examines how perceptions of Clinton's warmth and competence contributed to decisions to vote for her. Results suggest that perceptions of Clinton's warmth and competence differentially predicted voting behavior for voters strongly and less strongly identified with their political party. This research provides a descriptive analysis of how voters' beliefs about leaders can be colored by gender, and how such beliefs contribute to electing women candidates.

The present research addresses how voters' perceptions of Hillary Clinton's warmth and competence influenced decisions to vote for her in the 2008 Democratic primary. We apply research on gender stereotypes and perceptions of women leaders to demonstrate that voters perceived Clinton as highly competent but relatively less warm. Further, this research examines how perceptions of Clinton's warmth and competence contributed to decisions to vote for her. Results suggest that perceptions of Clinton's warmth and competence differentially predicted voting behavior for voters strongly and less strongly identified with their political party. This research provides a descriptive analysis of how voters' beliefs about leaders can be colored by gender, and how such beliefs contribute to electing women candidates.

The voter data update shows that there were still data on the TMS voters when the DPS determined in Padang Panjang City at 4,307 or 10.96% of the voters. This research was carried out with the descriptive qualitative method through in-depth interviews with various informants, namely election organizers in Padang Panjang City and Disdukcapil and campaign teams. The results of this study show that the problem of the voter list is due to PPDP Performance Culture in the voter data updating process which is seen from 6 aspects, namely (1) the responsiveness of PPDP can understand the needs of voters and not constrained population administration factors, (2) professionalism, work according to rules and has a high competence and understanding of territories, (3) productivity, can reduce voters who do not meet the requirements significantly and nil double voters in DPS (4) accountability, PPDP is ready to answer internally the process and results of updating voter data to the KPU and externally in the level of results, (5) cooperation, PPDP has collaborated with internal KPU and external KPU in voter data summary and (6) quality of service, PPDP and KPU along with their staff conduct socialization to the public for the categories of voters eligible and not eligible in the list voters. Voters registered in the voter list are de facto and de jure voters to be one solution to fulfill the comprehensive, accurate and up-to-date principles in voter data collection

Turnout and party choice are widely held to be habitual, but little attention has been paid to factors that disrupt the pattern. Good health is an important determinant of political behaviour and a key component in the quality of life. Based on the developmental theory of turnout, we hypothesize that declining health lowers voting propensity over the life course. We employ issue ownership theory to assume that declining health increases the likelihood of voting for leftist parties. Using the British Household Panel Survey data, we show how deteriorating health significantly lowers the propensity to vote, but if a person in poor health votes, she is more likely to support Labour than the Conservatives. As expected by the developmental theory, major life events, such as declining health, affect voting propensity. Results also support issue ownership theory: declining health increases Labour voting which implies that British voters turn to the party that owns the health issue when the issue becomes salient. ; Peer reviewed

Epistocracy, roughly amounts to distributing political power in accordance with each citizen's competence for political decision-making. The problem, epistocrats hold, is that most voters in democracies are incompetent to vote. A central element of this diagnosis is that bad outcomes are largely attributable to lay citizens' incapacity to choose the right means to foster their preferences. I call this the Preferences/Means Discrepancy. Based on this diagnosis, most epistocrats argue that the best way to improve outcomes is by implementing some form of restricted electorate constituted by those deemed competent to vote. In this paper I elucidate epistocrats' understanding of competence to challenge the epistocratic idea of improving outcomes by restricting the electorate. I argue that the restricted electorate would fail to be competent under epistocrats' own terms, because it is faced with an epistemic problem: The Information Gap Problem. Epistocrats most likely definition of competence seems to be to possess relevant information. However, a restricted electorate would be formed by a homogeneous elite, which would therefore have limited access to a key form of information, namely, lay citizens' preferences. This gap of information questions the competence of the restricted electorate and makes epistocracy unsuited to address the Preferences/Means Discrepancy.

The proposed article analyzes the motives for voter behaviour before and during the election. It is stated that understanding the patterns of their actions greatly mitigates the surprise of the election results. Recently, political scientists, sociologists, and analysts have learned a great deal about how voters actually make decisions that have a final impact on their choices, how important their views are for understanding democratic responsibility and social well-being. However, these studies have provoked more open-ended questions than answers. In the fall of 2014, the United States held by-elections to Congress. Scientists have another chance to test their versions of the American election results, to monitor the electoral behaviour patterns, to predict the results. Of particular interest, in terms of results, there is the behaviour of a voter known as swing voter. The article analyzes the social status of voters in this group, indicates the possible reasons for changing their electoral positions. Our study is based on a descriptive method and a method of systematic analysis of a number of procedures for collecting, primary analysis, and presentation of data and their characteristics. Administratively, we have focused our attention on the North-Eastern states, the findings of the study should be used responsibly to the situation in other regions of the country. The basic methodology is the most popular in the United States theory of retrospective voting. Its essence is that the political results should correspond to the indicators of competence and efficiency of the elected officials.

Sandiaga Uno has been known as a young entrepreneur, and has the competence to maximize small and medium enterprises (MSMEs), and increase the participation of Jakarta citizens to build the Capital, by creating jobs. After being elected as the Deputy Governor of DKI Jakarta, Sandiaga Uno increasingly intensively in building his personal branding . The purpose of this study was to determine how much interest women voters have towards the personal branding strategy undertaken by Sandiaga Uno. To be able to lead Indonesia in 2019, Sandiaga Uno needs a strategy developed by Political public relations practitioners. The concept used in this study revolves around personal branding with three main elements in building good personal branding and aspects of interest that are complemented by the concepts of political marketing and political public relations. The approach used in this research is quantitative with a positivist paradigm. While the method used is a survey method in the form of a questionnaire distributed to 100 respondents who are women voters in the Greater Jakarta electoral district. The results of the study show that the influence of Sandiaga Uno's personal branding as a Vice-Presidential candidate on the interests of female voters by 53% can be categorized as strong. ; Sandiaga Uno selama ini dikenal sebagai pengusaha muda, dan memiliki kompetensi memaksimalkan usaha kecil dan menengah (UMKM), serta meningkatkan partisipasi warga Jakarta untuk membangun Ibu Kota, dengan menciptakan lapangan kerja. Setelah terpilih menjadi Wakil Gubernur DKI Jakarta, Sandiaga Uno semakin gencar dalam membangun personal branding-nya. Tujuan penelitian ini untuk mengetahui seberapa besar minat pemilih perempuan terhadap strategi personal branding yang dilakukan oleh Sandiaga Uno. Untuk dapat memimpin Indonesia pada 2019 mendatang, Sandiaga Uno perlu strategi yang dibangun oleh praktisi public relations Politik. Konsep yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini seputar personal branding dengan tiga elemen utama dalam membangun personal branding yang baik serta aspek-aspek minat yang dilengkapi dengan konsep marketing politik dan public relations politik. Pendekatan yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah kuantitatif dengan paradigma positivis. Sedangkan metode yang digunakan adalah metode survey berupa kuesioner yang disebarkan kepada 100 responden yang merupakan pemilih perempuan di wilayah pemilihan Jabodetabek. Penelitian dilakukan sebelum Pemilihan Presiden 2019 berlangsung. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan, pengaruh personal branding Sandiaga Uno sebagai calon Wakil Presiden terhadap minat pemilih perempuan sebesar 53% bisa dikategorikan kuat.