Suchergebnisse

Examines German voter orientations toward chancellor candidates, drawing on survey data gathered on elections since 1961 in a discussion of the nonpersonalization of candidates. Considered first is whether assessments of candidates determine individual votes, focusing on the impact of candidate orientations on the voting behavior of those lacking any long-term party identification. Conditions fostering candidate-centered voting on the part of weak identifiers as well as shifts in supply- & demand-side factors are addressed. Next, a short overview of voter preference development since 1969 is provided, &, following, an approach employed by Wolfgang Jagodzinski & Stefan Kuhnel (1990), the affect of candidate evaluations on electoral choice is assessed. Attention turns to various elements of candidate images & which ones determine a good leader, highlighting survey data from the 1998 elections between Helmut Kohl & Gerhard Schroder. It is concluded that candidate personalities & personal characteristics do not figure too heavily in German voter decisions, as they are mediated by situational factors, eg, strength & direction of partisan affiliations, presence or absence of contentious political issues, & voter evaluations of candidates not running for chancellor. The potential growth of personalization & its utility in describing trends in Germany are contemplated in closing. 4 Tables, 4 Figures, 1 Appendix. J. Zendejas

Compares electoral volatility in Greece, Italy, Portugal, & Spain to older democracies in order to establish cross-national & temporal variations. Data were obtained from the Giacomo Sani & Julian Santamaria's Four Nation Study (mid-1980s) & various electoral & public opinion surveys. A multivariate analysis of the social-structural anchors of party preferences includes two additional factors: the proximity of respondents to parties of the Left-Right continuum; & assessments of party leaders. Although religion & social class were found to be significant determinants of the vote, they are weakening in importance as the proximity of respondents to parties on the Left-Right scale are increasing. Likewise, party leaders play a significant role in votes cast for catch-all parties but the impact on the quality of democracy is unclear. It is argued that differing patterns among the four party systems are due to complex interactions among social-structural factors; partisan traditions; elite electoral mobilization strategies; & various external factors. The collapse & reconfiguration of the Italian party system in the 1990s is examined to support this evaluation of the "anchors of partisanship.". 20 Tables. J. Lindroth

This chapter attempts to explain why extreme right-wing parties are popular in some European Union countries & not in others, an important question because of the growing differences in attitudes among EU member states. Data from several national & international surveys conducted in the 1990s (a total of 49,801 respondents) on right-wing voting behavior in 16 West European countries were analyzed in relation to national differences in social structure, public opinion, economic conditions, political conditions, characteristics of extreme right-wing parties, & relations between individual-level & contextual characteristics. The findings show that, across countries, people who were poorer, un- or under-employed, less educated, non-religious, younger, & male tended to vote for right-wing parties. Between-country differences were explained more by public opinion; in particular, in countries where more people had anti-immigrant attitudes & expressed dissatisfaction with democracy, there was greater support for extreme right-wing parties. Tables, Figures. J. Stanton

This chapter attempts to explain why extreme right-wing parties are popular in some European Union countries & not in others, an important question because of the growing differences in attitudes among EU member states. Data from several national & international surveys conducted in the 1990s (a total of 49,801 respondents) on right-wing voting behavior in 16 West European countries were analyzed in relation to national differences in social structure, public opinion, economic conditions, political conditions, characteristics of extreme right-wing parties, & relations between individual-level & contextual characteristics. The findings show that, across countries, people who were poorer, un- or under-employed, less educated, non-religious, younger, & male tended to vote for right-wing parties. Between-country differences were explained more by public opinion; in particular, in countries where more people had anti-immigrant attitudes & expressed dissatisfaction with democracy, there was greater support for extreme right-wing parties. Tables, Figures. J. Stanton

Debate surrounding the alleged decline of the influence of social class on voting behavior across the late-19th & 20th centuries is reviewed, & new evidence is presented to argue that class position continues to affect voting choices. Using individual-level data from the 1972-1994 General Social Surveys, class voting in the US is analyzed across three key sociodemographic factors: race, religious affiliation, & gender. The influence of other factors such as ideology, values, public opinion, birth cohort, material satisfaction, & party affiliation is also considered. Results indicate that such non-class-based attitudes & identities may override class divisions in voting; however, they do not do so consistently, & the influence of class sometimes coexists with these factors. 3 Tables, 2 Figures, 43 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Debate surrounding the alleged decline of the influence of social class on voting behavior across the late-19th & 20th centuries is reviewed, & new evidence is presented to argue that class position continues to affect voting choices. Using individual-level data from the 1972-1994 General Social Surveys, class voting in the US is analyzed across three key sociodemographic factors: race, religious affiliation, & gender. The influence of other factors such as ideology, values, public opinion, birth cohort, material satisfaction, & party affiliation is also considered. Results indicate that such non-class-based attitudes & identities may override class divisions in voting; however, they do not do so consistently, & the influence of class sometimes coexists with these factors. 3 Tables, 2 Figures, 43 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Asian Americans have been underrepresented in voter registration & turnout, while Asian American women vote on par with Asian American males & have higher education & incomes. The relative importance of race, class, & gender in predicting political behavior was reviewed using 1992 & 1996 election & census data. Multivariate regression analysis controlling for class showed that voter registration & turnout rates were lower among minorities than whites & higher among black & white females than males. Especially in 1996, Asian Americans suffered a turnout deficit in comparison to blacks, Latinos, & Native Americans, & exhibited equal turnout rates for Asian American men & women, showing that the race variable is more predominant than gender in support of the hypothesis. 3 Tables. M. Pflum

In assessing the influence of class on politics in the post-WWII period, empirical data are presented on voting patterns across 20 Western democratic industrialized countries, 1945-1990. Both the traditional manual/nonmanual class scheme & a more detailed, 7-category measure -- the EGP class scheme -- are employed in the analysis, as well as measures of both absolute & relative class voting. Results indicate substantial between-country differences in overall levels of relative class voting & significant within-country declines in class voting levels across this period. Directions for future research on political explanations for these findings are outlined. 3 Tables, 40 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Asian American electoral support is not pre-sold into any particular party. Although it seems they would reject the Republicans for being more restrictive regarding immigrant rights, they are not wholly partial to Democrats. Democrats tend to support illegal immigrants, but Asian Americans are mainly legal & prefer legal immigrants & their own social groups. In CA, Asian Americans opposed Proposition 187 on curtailing the rights of undocumented immigrants to state services, but were less opposed to it than blacks & Latinos. Asian Americans also opposed Proposition 209 on affirmative action, though less strongly than blacks did. Regression analysis with data from a 1996 survey of Asian American voting on these two propositions showed that Asian American voters landed in between whites & other minorities on these issues because of the absence of a strong party effect & neighborhood exposure to other minorities. 2 Tables, 5 Figures, 1 Appendix. M. Pflum

In assessing the influence of class on politics in the post-WWII period, empirical data are presented on voting patterns across 20 Western democratic industrialized countries, 1945-1990. Both the traditional manual/nonmanual class scheme & a more detailed, 7-category measure -- the EGP class scheme -- are employed in the analysis, as well as measures of both absolute & relative class voting. Results indicate substantial between-country differences in overall levels of relative class voting & significant within-country declines in class voting levels across this period. Directions for future research on political explanations for these findings are outlined. 3 Tables, 40 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Noting that leadership factors tend to play a larger role in democratizing or semidemocratic states than in older established democracies, it is argued that perceptions of presidential candidate personal characteristics had a large impact on voting behavior in the 1996 Russian election. Following an overview of postcommunist Russian electoral politics prior to the 1996 election, candidates for the election are described, drawing on 1995/96 panel data (final N = 2,456 interviews). Findings reveal discordance between Boris Yeltsin's number one standing in the aggregate electoral results & his number five ranking in personal characteristics. This phenomenon is explored in detail. Yeltsin's victory suggests the salience of personalized images in electoral politics, & Vladimir Putin's victory in 2000 indicates that this relevance will persist as Russia continues its transition. 7 Tables, 1 Appendix. J. Zendejas

Examines the legal & normative implications of social science research concerning voting reform. The US Supreme Court's response to Bush v. Gore is examined in the context of election law prior to & following this decision. Questions for social science researchers regarding the desirability of increasing voter turnout & the means to increase turnout are highlighted with commentary on possible unintended consequences of voting reforms. A gradual approach to voting reform by the Supreme Court is advocated. L. Collins Leigh