Suchergebnisse

Since the earlier studies about the voting behavior of the United Nations members during the 1950s, there is no agreement among voting analysts on the best methodology to detect states aggregations & blocs in the General Assembly. Almost every author involved in this topic proposed a new method -- or at least a new application of a previous method -- to better show the map of UN members vote. The aim of this paper is to find some common patterns in the wide universe of voting behavior studies in order to turn out the methodological diversity in cumulative knowledge, & to provide practical paths of analysis for future researches. The first paragraph classifies the researches on voting behavior in the General Assembly by the goals, the object & the method of research. The following paragraph shows the main methods used in the last fifty years & their evolution. Finally, the Conclusion underlines the common aspects of voting behavior analysis in the General Assembly & suggests strategies of researches. Adapted from the source document.

This article analyzes the "dramatizing mobilization" of the electorate that took place in the Italian general elections of 2001. The author suggests that the electoral campaign has been focused mainly on the choice "for" or "against" Berlusconi, which may have somewhat simplified the voting decision. However, it could also have stimulated the electoral participation, since turnout has been greater than expected. In the Center-Left, the "dramatizing mobilization" seems to have mainly favored the new aggregation called "Margherita." In the Center-Right, the same phenomenon helps explain why the "Casa delle Liberta" coalition has received a number of votes in the "plurality" vote significantly lower than the sum of the votes obtained by its individual parties in the "proportional" vote. Finally, the analysis suggests that the "dramatizing mobilization" brought a positive effect for the Center-Left coalition, stimulating mostly the vote "against" Berlusconi. 5 Tables, 4 Figures, 5 References. Adapted from the source document.

The article discusses the evolution of the Italian electoral market. As far as the class cleavage is concerned, the data show the persistent weakness of this variable in explaining voting behaviour. The religious cleavage, which was very strong during the "First Republic," has lost a huge part of its predictive power due to change in the political supply. Also the explanations based on issues & values do not show a close relationship with voting. The "political dimension" is much closer to voting behaviour, & it raises the question of exploring its determinants. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

This paper examines the preferences over candidates expressed by voters in the last three regional Italian elections (1995, 2000, 2005). In these elections, voters were asked to express a single preference, as opposed to the multiple preferences allowed until 1990. The introduction of single preferences voting from 1995 onward had the effect of reducing the number of preferences expressed in 1995, & then increasing it in the subsequent regional elections of 2000 & 2005. The preference rate (that is, the percentage relation between preferences expressed & preferences allowed) dropped at first from 29% in 1990 to 25,2 in 1995, & then increased to 44,3 in 2000 & to 51,7 in 2005, thus doubling the 1995 figure. As far as electoral behaviour in the various geographical regions is concerned, the results of the analysis show to be an increase everywhere in the preference rate & confirm that voters' tendencies to make use of the preference vote varies, for a number of reasons (among which the different subcultures of the various areas), depending on both the region & the list voted for. The remains a North-South divide, which, however, is less significant than in 1995. In the case of all list, there is a tendency for preferences to be disturbed unevenly among the candidates, given the greater attraction of certain candidates (nearly always those at the top of a list). Tables. Adapted from the source document.

The close outcome of the Italian general elections of 2006 highlights the crucial role of floating voters, switching from one coalition to its opponent. Using survey data, the paper studies the relation between the degree of political interest & knowledge of individual voters & their propensity to switch between competing coalitions in subsequent elections. Two rival hypotheses are proposed. The first, dubbed the "electoral market," states that most vote change happens among the most interested & informed. On the contrary, the rival hypothesis of the "electoral bazaar" envisages a scenario where floating voters are mostly among the least politically involved. The results of the analysis show a marked difference between patterns in the First & the Second Republic. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

In this paper the author statistically analyses the main results of the 2004 elections for Italian Members of the European Parliament. Compared to the previous European elections, of 1999, there was an increase in turn out of 1.9 percent, thus bringing to a halt the negative trend which characterized Italian European elections from 1979 to 1999. In terms of the distribution of valid votes among the official lists, there was a significant swing away from Forza Italia & from the Bonino-Pannella list, a minor worsening of the position of the main Centre-left list (Uniti nell'Ulivo), & an improvement for Rifondazione Comunista, Alleanza Nazionale, Unione di Centro, the Lega Nord, Comunisti Italiani & the Greens (Verdi). Finally, it is noted that in terms of preferences in favour of the candidates of the lists voted for, although in each of Italy's five constituencies voters were allowed to express up to three preferences, the number of preferences expressed was in fact lower than in 1999. Adapted from the source document.

The article analyzes the debate on "racial" or "ethnic voting" in postapartheid South Africa, looking at its implications for democratic theory. A critical review is offered of "sociological" (culture- & class-based) as well as "psychological" & political communication explanations for the unexpected tendency of the 'coloured' voters in the Cape area to "betray" the African National Congress & line up with the white electorate after 1993. An alternative explanation is also offered that seeks to combine elements from the theory of cleavages, class voting theory, & the Downsian theory of elections. It is based on the application of some recent developments of European & American rational choice sociology to the genesis of voting preferences, as well as on the concept of language repertoire & central place theory. Finally, some possible adjustments to the liberal democratic model in contexts marked by economic, language, culture, & geographic differentials are recommended from within the theoretical framework of the neo-contractarian views of democracy. 8 Tables, 2 Figures, 72 References. Adapted from the source document.