Suchergebnisse

Politicians declare their behavior in different ways, so the only way to control it - monitoring. In this thesis tools for Lithuanian Parliament Members voting behavior are analyzed. The question is following: can Information technologies tool help to determine how membership in a faction or the position (opposition) is related with voting behavior? The main objectives of this work are Lithuanian Parliament members grouping by their voting behavior and its' change detection. In the thesis the 2008-2012 of the Parliament activities are analysed using statistical voting analysis. We use clustering for grouping members of the Parliament. A loose definition of clustering could be the process of organizing objects into groups whose members are similar in some way. A cluster (group) is a collection of objects which are similar between them and are dissimilar to the objects belonging to other clusters. We overviewed different clustering methods and their principles of operation, described the distance between the objects of calculation methods, quality evaluation criteria in this work. Voting data is stored in MySQL database, hence a tool was created for data processing. We describe all the stages of the work: the use of tools, coding of the votes, division of the votes into the periods. The following techniques were chosen: K-Means, Hierarchical Clustering with Complete (furthest neighbor), Average, Single (nearest neighbor) linkage. We use Euclidean and Manhattan methods for dissimilarity (distance) calculation. For the quality evaluation of clustering Purity, RAND and NMI are used. The data of the voting are divided into different periods (all sessions, months). For the grouping of members of the Parliament WEKA tool is used, for detection of voting changes RapidMiner tool is applied. This work concludes with experimental results, conclusions and the plans of future research.

The article discusses factors, determining loyalty of the European Parliament members, which is marginalized in most of researches on the European Parliament. The initial assumption holds that as given the rates of loyalty to the national states are high it is groundless to assess it as a neutral variable. Loyalty of the European Parliament members to national states can significantly contribute to the studies of European Parliament's internal relations and power contribution. The first section of this article presents and analyses main insights of the influence of national parties and political groups on the voting behavior of the European Parliament members, justifying objective reasons which caused marginalization of importance of the European Parliament members' loyalty to national states. It should be noted that the European Parliament members, like most of other politicians, have fixed set of objectives forming their choices. Goals of re-election, positions and policy (leading to power gains/losses) are leading. In the hands of national parties and political groups these goals become instruments of pressure and enforcement, determining behavior of the European Parliament members. National parties controlling the access of candidates to the electoral lists and defining their position on those lists gain extreme importance in the competition for loyalty. Since political groups of the European Parliament have dominant political force for the second objective of the parliament members each of them have an interest in maintaining balance between loyalty to the national party and particular political group. Loyalty to national states loses its importance as it has minimal influence on the success of achieving objectives of the parliament members. The second section is devoted to the research of links between voting of European Parliament members and their national states, more specifically -- to the analysis of European Parliament members' loyalty to their national states. Lithuania is chosen as a case study. The fact that loyalty to the national states during 2004-2009 and 2009-2014 terms of the European Parliament is over 85 % indicates that this variable should not be seen as accidental or insignificant. It is argued that loyalty to the national state mainly reflects voting unity of national delegation. The rest of this section analyzes factors which can explain why, despite the fact that national delegation is very diverse in the context of left-right ideological divide, rates of loyalty to the national states, demonstrated by the national delegations, remain very high. The article concludes stating that loyalty of European Parliament members to their national states is a valuable source of data for the analysis of the party behavior in the European Parliament as well as outside it and should not be overlooked. Adapted from the source document.

This article reviews the issue of negativity in election campaigns in academic literature, & presents some data from Lithuanian Presidential campaign (1997 & 2002) analysis. The article aims to ascertain how often various types of negativity are used in the Lithuanian presidential campaigns as well as to deliberate about their potential effect on election results. Comparison of the data of two Lithuanian Presidential campaigns' newspapers' analyses indicates the possibility of growing importance of negativity in election campaigns. As analysis shows, there is no agreement among the scholars about the effect of different types of negativity. It is evident that more detail studies of negativity of election campaigns in Lithuania are needed. Adapted from the source document.

The aim of this thesis is to estimate relative contributions of intuitive and rational information processing in domain-specific activities. Three studies were carried out. Study 1 and Study 2 examined anesthesiologists' (N = 84) and judges' (N = 98) decision-making, respectively. The appropriateness of decisions in the fields of medicine and criminal law can be assessed impartially according to their compliance with protocols and laws. Therefore, dual process dissociation procedure was applied for Study 1 and Study 2. Study 3 examined 18-24 year-old electorate's (N = 91) decision to vote for political parties in the Lithuanian parliamentary elections of 2016. Voting decisions does not have objective criteria for their correctness or fallibility. Therefore, the relative contributions of intuitive and rational information processing was estimated indirectly, based on voters' implicit and explicit attitudes toward political parties, respectively. It was found that the relative contributions of intuitive and rational information processing varies when decisions are made in different domain-specific activities. In particular, anesthesiologists rely more on intuitive (57.1%-76.2%) compared with rational information processing (14.3%-35.7%). Contrarily, judges rely more on rational (35.29%-53.19%) compared with intuitive information processing (8.51%-15.68%). Moreover, 18-24 year-old electorate is more likely to rely on explicit attitudes rather than implicit attitudes when deciding to vote for political parties. Indirectly, it indicates that 18-24 year-old electorate is more likely to rely on rational rather that intuitive information processing. Results are interpreted in the context of cognitive psychology.

The aim of this thesis is to estimate relative contributions of intuitive and rational information processing in domain-specific activities. Three studies were carried out. Study 1 and Study 2 examined anesthesiologists' (N = 84) and judges' (N = 98) decision-making, respectively. The appropriateness of decisions in the fields of medicine and criminal law can be assessed impartially according to their compliance with protocols and laws. Therefore, dual process dissociation procedure was applied for Study 1 and Study 2. Study 3 examined 18-24 year-old electorate's (N = 91) decision to vote for political parties in the Lithuanian parliamentary elections of 2016. Voting decisions does not have objective criteria for their correctness or fallibility. Therefore, the relative contributions of intuitive and rational information processing was estimated indirectly, based on voters' implicit and explicit attitudes toward political parties, respectively. It was found that the relative contributions of intuitive and rational information processing varies when decisions are made in different domain-specific activities. In particular, anesthesiologists rely more on intuitive (57.1%-76.2%) compared with rational information processing (14.3%-35.7%). Contrarily, judges rely more on rational (35.29%-53.19%) compared with intuitive information processing (8.51%-15.68%). Moreover, 18-24 year-old electorate is more likely to rely on explicit attitudes rather than implicit attitudes when deciding to vote for political parties. Indirectly, it indicates that 18-24 year-old electorate is more likely to rely on rational rather that intuitive information processing. Results are interpreted in the context of cognitive psychology.

The aim of this thesis is to estimate relative contributions of intuitive and rational information processing in domain-specific activities. Three studies were carried out. Study 1 and Study 2 examined anesthesiologists' (N = 84) and judges' (N = 98) decision-making, respectively. The appropriateness of decisions in the fields of medicine and criminal law can be assessed impartially according to their compliance with protocols and laws. Therefore, dual process dissociation procedure was applied for Study 1 and Study 2. Study 3 examined 18-24 year-old electorate's (N = 91) decision to vote for political parties in the Lithuanian parliamentary elections of 2016. Voting decisions does not have objective criteria for their correctness or fallibility. Therefore, the relative contributions of intuitive and rational information processing was estimated indirectly, based on voters' implicit and explicit attitudes toward political parties, respectively. It was found that the relative contributions of intuitive and rational information processing varies when decisions are made in different domain-specific activities. In particular, anesthesiologists rely more on intuitive (57.1%-76.2%) compared with rational information processing (14.3%-35.7%). Contrarily, judges rely more on rational (35.29%-53.19%) compared with intuitive information processing (8.51%-15.68%). Moreover, 18-24 year-old electorate is more likely to rely on explicit attitudes rather than implicit attitudes when deciding to vote for political parties. Indirectly, it indicates that 18-24 year-old electorate is more likely to rely on rational rather that intuitive information processing. Results are interpreted in the context of cognitive psychology.

The aim of this thesis is to estimate relative contributions of intuitive and rational information processing in domain-specific activities. Three studies were carried out. Study 1 and Study 2 examined anesthesiologists' (N = 84) and judges' (N = 98) decision-making, respectively. The appropriateness of decisions in the fields of medicine and criminal law can be assessed impartially according to their compliance with protocols and laws. Therefore, dual process dissociation procedure was applied for Study 1 and Study 2. Study 3 examined 18-24 year-old electorate's (N = 91) decision to vote for political parties in the Lithuanian parliamentary elections of 2016. Voting decisions does not have objective criteria for their correctness or fallibility. Therefore, the relative contributions of intuitive and rational information processing was estimated indirectly, based on voters' implicit and explicit attitudes toward political parties, respectively. It was found that the relative contributions of intuitive and rational information processing varies when decisions are made in different domain-specific activities. In particular, anesthesiologists rely more on intuitive (57.1%-76.2%) compared with rational information processing (14.3%-35.7%). Contrarily, judges rely more on rational (35.29%-53.19%) compared with intuitive information processing (8.51%-15.68%). Moreover, 18-24 year-old electorate is more likely to rely on explicit attitudes rather than implicit attitudes when deciding to vote for political parties. Indirectly, it indicates that 18-24 year-old electorate is more likely to rely on rational rather that intuitive information processing. Results are interpreted in the context of cognitive psychology.

The aim of this thesis is to estimate relative contributions of intuitive and rational information processing in domain-specific activities. Three studies were carried out. Study 1 and Study 2 examined anesthesiologists' (N = 84) and judges' (N = 98) decision-making, respectively. The appropriateness of decisions in the fields of medicine and criminal law can be assessed impartially according to their compliance with protocols and laws. Therefore, dual process dissociation procedure was applied for Study 1 and Study 2. Study 3 examined 18-24 year-old electorate's (N = 91) decision to vote for political parties in the Lithuanian parliamentary elections of 2016. Voting decisions does not have objective criteria for their correctness or fallibility. Therefore, the relative contributions of intuitive and rational information processing was estimated indirectly, based on voters' implicit and explicit attitudes toward political parties, respectively. It was found that the relative contributions of intuitive and rational information processing varies when decisions are made in different domain-specific activities. In particular, anesthesiologists rely more on intuitive (57.1%-76.2%) compared with rational information processing (14.3%-35.7%). Contrarily, judges rely more on rational (35.29%-53.19%) compared with intuitive information processing (8.51%-15.68%). Moreover, 18-24 year-old electorate is more likely to rely on explicit attitudes rather than implicit attitudes when deciding to vote for political parties. Indirectly, it indicates that 18-24 year-old electorate is more likely to rely on rational rather that intuitive information processing. Results are interpreted in the context of cognitive psychology.

The aim of this thesis is to estimate relative contributions of intuitive and rational information processing in domain-specific activities. Three studies were carried out. Study 1 and Study 2 examined anesthesiologists' (N = 84) and judges' (N = 98) decision-making, respectively. The appropriateness of decisions in the fields of medicine and criminal law can be assessed impartially according to their compliance with protocols and laws. Therefore, dual process dissociation procedure was applied for Study 1 and Study 2. Study 3 examined 18-24 year-old electorate's (N = 91) decision to vote for political parties in the Lithuanian parliamentary elections of 2016. Voting decisions does not have objective criteria for their correctness or fallibility. Therefore, the relative contributions of intuitive and rational information processing was estimated indirectly, based on voters' implicit and explicit attitudes toward political parties, respectively. It was found that the relative contributions of intuitive and rational information processing varies when decisions are made in different domain-specific activities. In particular, anesthesiologists rely more on intuitive (57.1%-76.2%) compared with rational information processing (14.3%-35.7%). Contrarily, judges rely more on rational (35.29%-53.19%) compared with intuitive information processing (8.51%-15.68%). Moreover, 18-24 year-old electorate is more likely to rely on explicit attitudes rather than implicit attitudes when deciding to vote for political parties. Indirectly, it indicates that 18-24 year-old electorate is more likely to rely on rational rather that intuitive information processing. Results are interpreted in the context of cognitive psychology.

The aim of this thesis is to estimate relative contributions of intuitive and rational information processing in domain-specific activities. Three studies were carried out. Study 1 and Study 2 examined anesthesiologists' (N = 84) and judges' (N = 98) decision-making, respectively. The appropriateness of decisions in the fields of medicine and criminal law can be assessed impartially according to their compliance with protocols and laws. Therefore, dual process dissociation procedure was applied for Study 1 and Study 2. Study 3 examined 18-24 year-old electorate's (N = 91) decision to vote for political parties in the Lithuanian parliamentary elections of 2016. Voting decisions does not have objective criteria for their correctness or fallibility. Therefore, the relative contributions of intuitive and rational information processing was estimated indirectly, based on voters' implicit and explicit attitudes toward political parties, respectively. It was found that the relative contributions of intuitive and rational information processing varies when decisions are made in different domain-specific activities. In particular, anesthesiologists rely more on intuitive (57.1%-76.2%) compared with rational information processing (14.3%-35.7%). Contrarily, judges rely more on rational (35.29%-53.19%) compared with intuitive information processing (8.51%-15.68%). Moreover, 18-24 year-old electorate is more likely to rely on explicit attitudes rather than implicit attitudes when deciding to vote for political parties. Indirectly, it indicates that 18-24 year-old electorate is more likely to rely on rational rather that intuitive information processing. Results are interpreted in the context of cognitive psychology.

The aim of this thesis is to estimate relative contributions of intuitive and rational information processing in domain-specific activities. Three studies were carried out. Study 1 and Study 2 examined anesthesiologists' (N = 84) and judges' (N = 98) decision-making, respectively. The appropriateness of decisions in the fields of medicine and criminal law can be assessed impartially according to their compliance with protocols and laws. Therefore, dual process dissociation procedure was applied for Study 1 and Study 2. Study 3 examined 18-24 year-old electorate's (N = 91) decision to vote for political parties in the Lithuanian parliamentary elections of 2016. Voting decisions does not have objective criteria for their correctness or fallibility. Therefore, the relative contributions of intuitive and rational information processing was estimated indirectly, based on voters' implicit and explicit attitudes toward political parties, respectively. It was found that the relative contributions of intuitive and rational information processing varies when decisions are made in different domain-specific activities. In particular, anesthesiologists rely more on intuitive (57.1%-76.2%) compared with rational information processing (14.3%-35.7%). Contrarily, judges rely more on rational (35.29%-53.19%) compared with intuitive information processing (8.51%-15.68%). Moreover, 18-24 year-old electorate is more likely to rely on explicit attitudes rather than implicit attitudes when deciding to vote for political parties. Indirectly, it indicates that 18-24 year-old electorate is more likely to rely on rational rather that intuitive information processing. Results are interpreted in the context of cognitive psychology.

The article discusses factors, determining loyalty of the European Parliament members, which is marginalized in most of researches on the European Parliament. The initial assumption holds that as given the rates of loyalty to the national states are high it is groundless to assess it as a neutral variable. Loyalty of the European Parliament members to national states can significantly contribute to the studies of European Parliament's internal relations and power contribution. The first section of this article presents and analyses main insights of the influence of national parties and political groups on the voting behavior of the European Parliament members, justifying objective reasons which caused marginalization of importance of the European Parliament members' loyalty to national states. It should be noted that the European Parliament members, like most of other politicians, have fixed set of objectives forming their choices. Goals of re-election, positions and policy (leading to power gains/losses) are leading. In the hands of national parties and political groups these goals become instruments of pressure and enforcement, determining behavior of the European Parliament members. National parties controlling the access of candidates to the electoral lists and defining their position on those lists gain extreme importance in the competition for loyalty. Since political groups of the European Parliament have dominant political force for the second objective of the parliament members each of them have an interest in maintaining balance between loyalty to the national party and particular political group. Loyalty to national states loses its importance as it has minimal influence on the success of achieving objectives of the parliament members. The second section is devoted to the research of links between voting of European Parliament members and their national states, more specifically – to the analysis of European Parliament members' loyalty to their national states. Lithuania is chosen as a case study. The fact that loyalty to the national states during 2004–2009 and 2009–2014 terms of the European Parliament is over 85 % indicates that this variable should not be seen as accidental or insignificant. It is argued that loyalty to the national state mainly reflects voting unity of national delegation. The rest of this section analyzes factors which can explain why, despite the fact that national delegation is very diverse in the context of left-right ideological divide, rates of loyalty to the national states, demonstrated by the national delegations, remain very high. The article concludes stating that loyalty of European Parliament members to their national states is a valuable source of data for the analysis of the party behavior in the European Parliament as well as outside it and should not be overlooked.

The article discusses factors, determining loyalty of the European Parliament members, which is marginalized in most of researches on the European Parliament. The initial assumption holds that as given the rates of loyalty to the national states are high it is groundless to assess it as a neutral variable. Loyalty of the European Parliament members to national states can significantly contribute to the studies of European Parliament's internal relations and power contribution. The first section of this article presents and analyses main insights of the influence of national parties and political groups on the voting behavior of the European Parliament members, justifying objective reasons which caused marginalization of importance of the European Parliament members' loyalty to national states. It should be noted that the European Parliament members, like most of other politicians, have fixed set of objectives forming their choices. Goals of re-election, positions and policy (leading to power gains/losses) are leading. In the hands of national parties and political groups these goals become instruments of pressure and enforcement, determining behavior of the European Parliament members. National parties controlling the access of candidates to the electoral lists and defining their position on those lists gain extreme importance in the competition for loyalty. Since political groups of the European Parliament have dominant political force for the second objective of the parliament members each of them have an interest in maintaining balance between loyalty to the national party and particular political group. Loyalty to national states loses its importance as it has minimal influence on the success of achieving objectives of the parliament members. The second section is devoted to the research of links between voting of European Parliament members and their national states, more specifically – to the analysis of European Parliament members' loyalty to their national states. Lithuania is chosen as a case study. The fact that loyalty to the national states during 2004–2009 and 2009–2014 terms of the European Parliament is over 85 % indicates that this variable should not be seen as accidental or insignificant. It is argued that loyalty to the national state mainly reflects voting unity of national delegation. The rest of this section analyzes factors which can explain why, despite the fact that national delegation is very diverse in the context of left-right ideological divide, rates of loyalty to the national states, demonstrated by the national delegations, remain very high. The article concludes stating that loyalty of European Parliament members to their national states is a valuable source of data for the analysis of the party behavior in the European Parliament as well as outside it and should not be overlooked.

The article discusses factors, determining loyalty of the European Parliament members, which is marginalized in most of researches on the European Parliament. The initial assumption holds that as given the rates of loyalty to the national states are high it is groundless to assess it as a neutral variable. Loyalty of the European Parliament members to national states can significantly contribute to the studies of European Parliament's internal relations and power contribution. The first section of this article presents and analyses main insights of the influence of national parties and political groups on the voting behavior of the European Parliament members, justifying objective reasons which caused marginalization of importance of the European Parliament members' loyalty to national states. It should be noted that the European Parliament members, like most of other politicians, have fixed set of objectives forming their choices. Goals of re-election, positions and policy (leading to power gains/losses) are leading. In the hands of national parties and political groups these goals become instruments of pressure and enforcement, determining behavior of the European Parliament members. National parties controlling the access of candidates to the electoral lists and defining their position on those lists gain extreme importance in the competition for loyalty. Since political groups of the European Parliament have dominant political force for the second objective of the parliament members each of them have an interest in maintaining balance between loyalty to the national party and particular political group. Loyalty to national states loses its importance as it has minimal influence on the success of achieving objectives of the parliament members. The second section is devoted to the research of links between voting of European Parliament members and their national states, more specifically – to the analysis of European Parliament members' loyalty to their national states. Lithuania is chosen as a case study. The fact that loyalty to the national states during 2004–2009 and 2009–2014 terms of the European Parliament is over 85 % indicates that this variable should not be seen as accidental or insignificant. It is argued that loyalty to the national state mainly reflects voting unity of national delegation. The rest of this section analyzes factors which can explain why, despite the fact that national delegation is very diverse in the context of left-right ideological divide, rates of loyalty to the national states, demonstrated by the national delegations, remain very high. The article concludes stating that loyalty of European Parliament members to their national states is a valuable source of data for the analysis of the party behavior in the European Parliament as well as outside it and should not be overlooked.

The article discusses factors, determining loyalty of the European Parliament members, which is marginalized in most of researches on the European Parliament. The initial assumption holds that as given the rates of loyalty to the national states are high it is groundless to assess it as a neutral variable. Loyalty of the European Parliament members to national states can significantly contribute to the studies of European Parliament's internal relations and power contribution. The first section of this article presents and analyses main insights of the influence of national parties and political groups on the voting behavior of the European Parliament members, justifying objective reasons which caused marginalization of importance of the European Parliament members' loyalty to national states. It should be noted that the European Parliament members, like most of other politicians, have fixed set of objectives forming their choices. Goals of re-election, positions and policy (leading to power gains/losses) are leading. In the hands of national parties and political groups these goals become instruments of pressure and enforcement, determining behavior of the European Parliament members. National parties controlling the access of candidates to the electoral lists and defining their position on those lists gain extreme importance in the competition for loyalty. Since political groups of the European Parliament have dominant political force for the second objective of the parliament members each of them have an interest in maintaining balance between loyalty to the national party and particular political group. Loyalty to national states loses its importance as it has minimal influence on the success of achieving objectives of the parliament members. The second section is devoted to the research of links between voting of European Parliament members and their national states, more specifically – to the analysis of European Parliament members' loyalty to their national states. Lithuania is chosen as a case study. The fact that loyalty to the national states during 2004–2009 and 2009–2014 terms of the European Parliament is over 85 % indicates that this variable should not be seen as accidental or insignificant. It is argued that loyalty to the national state mainly reflects voting unity of national delegation. The rest of this section analyzes factors which can explain why, despite the fact that national delegation is very diverse in the context of left-right ideological divide, rates of loyalty to the national states, demonstrated by the national delegations, remain very high. The article concludes stating that loyalty of European Parliament members to their national states is a valuable source of data for the analysis of the party behavior in the European Parliament as well as outside it and should not be overlooked.