Suchergebnisse

The purpose of this research paper is to assess the causes of the territorial distribution of the votes in Romanian local elections held in 2004. Using an aggregate level statistical analysis, I explore three competing theories. The territorial distribution of votes might be first function of geographical localization, people from Transylvania voting against the ruling party and largely favoring the opposition. Counties supporting the opposition are generally the most developed, least rural and wealthiest counties, but in the same time a number of these counties are located in Transylvania. All the same, people may support effective and accountable politicians in office and sanction the others. Testing the three hypotheses, I find that the economic voting has no empirical evidence. The only significant factor unraveled is the counties' location in Transylvania. This factor continues to be significant even when the relationships are controlled with different local development measures, unraveling a regional voting pattern in Romania.

The survey was conducted on June 11-15, 2020 on a sample of 725 inhabitants from all localities of the county. He measured people's opinion about central and local public administration institutions, about the main candidates for City Hall, about political parties, expectations of the future mayor, voting intentions, how the City Hall got involved in certain administrative issues, opinion about candidates for Council presidency County, voting intentions for this position.

The survey was conducted on June 9-11, 2020 on a sample of 515 inhabitants of the city. He measured people's opinion about central and local public administration institutions, about the main candidates for City Hall, about political parties, expectations of the future mayor, intentions voting, the way in which the City Hall was involved in certain administrative issues, the opinion about the candidates for the presidency of the County Council, the voting intentions for this position.

In the interwar Romanian democracy, the main actor in this political mechanism around which the electoral system and the political parties were rounding was the King. He was designating a party in order to form the government, and afterwards the elections organized by the cabinet were inevitably won by the political party in power. As no party was designated one after another to rule the government, the sequence in power was simply and efficiently ensured. Winning the elections for each party in power was closed related to the voters dedicated to the government, meaning those who were giving their votes to the leading power. And this way, the interwar electoral puzzle was completed. The cohort of voters willing to vote for the government was influenced by many indicators such as cultural (literate) and economic ones, so that the electoral behavior differences between regions like Oltenia and Banat were significant, taking into consideration the economic gaps. Therefore, the electoral comparison between Romania and Dobrudja in the interwar period makes sense.

The survey was conducted on July 31 - August 2, 2020 on a sample of 422 inhabitants of the city. He measured people's opinion about the main candidates for City Hall, the expectations of the future mayor, the voting intentions, the way in which the City Hall got involved in certain administrative issues.

The survey was conducted between January 22-29, 2020 on a sample of 757 adults living in the city. He measured how the population perceives the involvement of the mayor's office in various administrative issues, trust in local political leaders, voting intentions in local elections, the perception of local party organizations.

The survey was conducted between January 10-19, 2020 on a sample of 808 adults living in the city. He measured how the population perceives the involvement of the mayor's office in various administrative issues, trust in local political leaders, voting intentions in local elections, the perception of local party organizations.

The survey was conducted between January 22-28, 2020 on a sample of 800 adults living in the city. He measured how the population perceives the involvement of the mayor's office in various administrative issues, trust in local political leaders, voting intentions in local elections, the perception of local party organizations.

The survey was conducted on July 17-19, 2020 on a sample of 509 inhabitants of the city. He measured people's opinion about the main candidates for the City Hall, the expectations of the future mayor, the voting intentions, the way the City Hall got involved in certain administrative issues, the trust in other county and national political leaders.

The paper analyzes the dynamics of electoral participation and its predictors in Romania, using both official data on turnout and post-electoral survey data. The turnout in the Romanian parliamentary elections has declined by over
50% in the last 20 years of democratic reconstruction. However, turnout decline is
unevenly distributed, being more dramatic in the last decade especially in the urban
areas as well as among younger cohorts of voters. The decline of turnout in parliamentary elections is also accompanied by a shift in the importance of the predictors of voting. The analyses of electoral participation and its predictors
suggest that voting in the Romanian parliamentary elections has become the attribute of a minority of citizens who still feel closer to a political party, are interested in politics, trust the political institutions and leaders, ideologically place themselves at the extremes of the left-right axis, and of those who are more exposed to mobilization attempts both because they live in smaller communities in the rural areas which are more easily controlled by local political leaders and because they are part of social networks that are influenced by political parties or politicians.
This is the "hard core" of a generally apathetic electorate which is unconfident in the efficacy of elections as a tool for producing social transformations, a public which is becoming less and less demanding with the politicians after the subsequent disappointments with the democratic governance after 1989.

Survey conducted on 182 inhabitants of the commune. It measured the confidence of the candidates for mayor, the voting intentions, the seriousness of the administrative problems, the qualities and defects of the candidates.

The survey was conducted between February 23-27, 2020 on a sample of 1252 adults living in the city. He measured how the population perceives the involvement of the mayor's office in various administrative issues, trust in local political leaders, voting intentions in local elections, the perception of local party organizations.

The survey was conducted between March 6-8, 2020 on a sample of 459 adults living in the city. He measured how the population perceives the involvement of the mayor's office in various administrative issues, trust in local political leaders, voting intentions in local elections, the perception of local party organizations.

The survey was conducted between March 6-8, 2020 on a sample of 450 adults living in the city. He measured how the population perceives the involvement of the mayor's office in various administrative issues, trust in local political leaders, voting intentions in local elections, the perception of local party organizations.

The survey was conducted between 1-3 February 2020 on a sample of 521 adults living in the city. He measured how the population perceives the involvement of the mayor's office in various administrative issues, trust in local political leaders, voting intentions in local elections, the perception of local party organizations.