Suchergebnisse

Evropski parlament je politično telo, ki že dolgo časa razdvaja javnost. Njegovi nasprotniki po eni strani trdijo, da je tako politično in kulturno heterogen organ nezmožen učinkovitega delovanja, po drugi strani pa naj bi evropski poslanci hitro izgubili stik s svojimi volivci ter glasovali predvsem tako, kot jim to naročijo vodje skupin. Zanimalo nas je, če evropski poslanci glasujejo dovolj avtomatično in predvidljivo, da bi lahko rezultate glasovanj uspešno napovedovali z modelom strojnega učenja. Da smo zmanjšali časovno kompleksnost smo se odločili za napovedovaje rezultatov glasovanj po političnih strankah. Najprej smo implementirali spletne pajke, s katerimi smo pridobili čim več rezultatov glasovanj in z njimi povezanih podatkov. Iz teh smo nato z interdisciplinarno kombinacijo metod podatkovnega rudarjenja ter strokovnega geopolitičnega znanja izluščili značilke in zgradili model. Rezultati so pokazali približno 80% uspešnost napovedovanja rezultatov glasovanj (uteženi oceni f1 in roc-auc). Napovedovanje je bilo bistveno bolj uspešno pri strankah s proevropsko,liberalno in globalistično politično usmeritvijo kot to velja za evroskeptične, ekonomsko socialne in nacionalistične stranke. S tem smo dodatno podprli tezo o obstoju in pomembnosti nove nacionalistično-globalistične politične delitve. Poleg tega predstavlja problem tudi razred vzdržanih glasovanj, ki ga je težko napovedati že s pomočjo človeške inteligence. ; European parliament is the major political legislative body of the EU that causes divides in public opinion since its beginning. While some of its opponents usually point out its political and culutural heterogenity as a major weakness and cause of inability to function eciently, others claim that MEPs often quickly lose their connection with voters and vote mainly as it is directed to them by the leaders of their politival groups. We wanted to nd out if MEPs voting patterns are predictable enough to be successfully predicted with machine-learning based computer model. To reduce time complexity of the problem we rather focused on joint votes of (national) political parties than individual MEPs. At rst we implemented web crawlers that we used to extract as many roll-call voting oriented data as we can. Than we combined data mining with expert geopolitcal approach to extract the features and build a model for voting prediction. Our predictions were overall nearly 80% successful (weighted f1, roc-auc), however results vary greatly between political groups. It became clear that we could easily predict votes of coallition parties with liberal-globalist political orientation while eurosceptic, economic social and nationalist parties seemed to be much more unpredictable. With that information we further backed the importance of the new nationalist-globalist political cleavage. A challenge to the model presents also a class of votes of abstention, which is hard to successfully predict even with expert human-knowledge.

Informacijska družba nam danes omogoča enostaven, učinkovit in varen dostop do raznovrstnih informacij, kjerkoli in kadarkoli jih potrebujemo, zato tudi poskusi uvedbe informacijskih rešitev na področje izvrševanja ene od najbolj temeljnih demokratičnih pravic – volitev niso nobena izjema. Implementacija interneta v volilni proces ne prinaša le vprašanj s področja sociološko-politološkega in tehničnega okolja, ampak tudi z vidika legitimnosti takega postopka. V magistrskem delu povzamem razvoj elektronskega poslovanja v javni in državni upravi, pojem elektronskih volitev, poskuse vpeljave elektronskih volitev in dobre prakse v Sloveniji, na Norveškem in v Kanadi ter razložimo postopek glasovanja na prvih uspešno izvedenih internetnih volitvah na svetu – v Estoniji. Analizirani so pomisleki in dileme, kot tudi prednosti, ki jih prinaša vpeljava elektronskih volitev. Uvedba elektronskih volitev med drugim pomeni možnost za zmanjšanje stroškov v volilnem procesu, predvsem pa zaustavitev trenda upadanja volilne udeležbe, ki je pereč problem vseh zahodnih demokracij. Zagotavljanje varnosti, transparentnosti in tajnosti je težava, zaradi katere sta vpeljava in uporaba elektronskih volitev še vedno vprašljivi. Rešitev vidim v tehnologiji veriženja podatkovnih blokov, ki nam zaradi narave svojega sistema omogoča implementacijo elektronskih volitev. Glede na dosedanji tehnološki napredek in pozitivno naravnanost širše javnosti za sprejemanje tehnologije veriženja podatkovnih blokov je mogoče sklepati, da je elektronsko glasovanje le še klik stran od realne uvedbe, vendar v podporo tradicionalnemu načinu glasovanja tako doma kot v tujini. ; Today, the information society provides easy, effective and safe access to various information wherever and whenever we need them ; therefore, attempts to introduce information technology solutions to the field of executing one of the basic democratic rights – elections are no exception. The implementation of internet into the electoral process does not only give rise to socio-political and technical questions, but also from the perspective of legitimacy of such proceedings. In the master's thesis, I summarize the development of e-commerce in the public and state administration, the concept of electronic elections, attempts of the introduction of electronic elections and examples of good practices in Slovenia, Norway and Canada, and explain the voting process at the first internet elections in the world – in Estonia. We analyse the concerns and dilemmas, as well as advantages of the implementation of electronic elections. Among others, the introduction of electronic elections also means a possibility to reduce the costs during the electoral process, but mostly it puts a stop to the downward trend of voting participation, which is a pressing problem of all Western democracies. Ensuring safety, transparency and secrecy is a problem that puts the introduction and execution of electronic election under question. In my opinion, the solution is blockchain technology. The nature of its system enables the implementation of electronic elections. Due to the technological progress so far and positive attitude of the general public in terms of accepting the blockchain technology, we can assume that electronic voting is only a click away from reality, but only to support the traditional way of voting, at home as well as abroad.

Magistrsko delo obravnava povezavo med volilno udeležbo in informiranostjo volivcev. Ta je eden od številnih dejavnikov, ki lahko vpliva na to, ali se bo volivec udeležil volitev. Povezavo sem ugotavljala s študijo primera v dveh časovnih točkah: primerjala sem institucionalno kampanjo Evropskega parlamenta pred evropskimi volitvami leta 2014 in institucionalno kampanjo Evropskega parlamenta Tokrat grem volit pred evropskimi volitvami leta 2019 na primeru Slovenije. Za volitve v Evropski parlament je značilno padanje povprečja volilne udeležbe. Od prvih leta 1979 se je v državah članicah Evropske unije z 61,9 % zmanjšalo na 42,6 % v letu 2014, ko je bilo najnižje. Na evropskih volitvah 2019 se je trend padanja povprečja volilne udeležbe v EU prvič zaustavil in se dvignil na 50,6 %. V Sloveniji se je evropskih volitev 2019 udeležilo 28,9 % volilnih upravičencev, kar je v primerjavi z evropskimi volitvami leta 2014 za 4,4 odstotne točke več in hkrati največ od vključitve v EU. Ugotovila sem, da lahko dvig volilne udeležbe pripišemo tudi volilni kampanji Pisarne Evropskega parlamenta v Ljubljani, ki je bila v primerjavi s prejšnjimi prvič jasno določena ; predvsem skupine nagovarjanja volivcev in sporočilo kampanje ; organizirali so tudi bistveno več aktivnosti za volivce in intenzivno sodelovali z raznovrstnimi mediji. Toda glavne hipoteze magistrskega dela, da pomeni večji obseg aktivnosti tudi večjo informiranost volivcev in posledično višjo volilno udeležbo, na podlagi javnomnenjskih anket nisem mogla potrditi. Volilna udeležba je namreč odvisna od množice izjemno kompleksnih in med seboj prepletenih dejavnikov. ; The master's thesis discusses the connection between the turnout of voters and the voters' awareness. The latter is one of the numerous factors which can influence whether the voter will participate in the elections or not. I was ascertaining the connection with the case study in two points of time: I compared the institutional campaign of the European Parliament before European elections in 2014 and the This Time I'm Voting institutional campaign of the European Parliament before the European elections in 2019 on the case of Slovenia. A decline in the average of the turnout of voters is characteristic of the elections in the European Parliament. Since the first elections in 1979, the turnout of voters has reduced in the member states of the European Union from 61.9% to 42.6% in 2014 when it was the lowest. The decline in the average of the turnout of voters was stopped in 2019 and raised it to 50.6%. In Slovenia, 28.9% of eligible voters participated in the European elections in 2019 which is 4.4 percentage points more in comparison to the European elections in 2014 and the most since the joining to the EU at the same time. I ascertained that the raise of the turnout of voters can be attributed also to communication campaign of the European Parliament Liaison Office in Ljubljana, which was determined in the comparison with the previous ones for the first time clearly, above all the groups of addressing the voters and the message of the campaign. They also organized essentially more activities for the voters and cooperated intensively with different media. However, I could not confirm the main hypothesis of the master's thesis that a bigger scope of activities means bigger voters' awareness and, consequently, a higher turnout of voters. Namely, the turnout of voters depends on many exceptionally complex and intertwined factors.

EU je prva regionalna organizacija, ki si je v GS OZN prizadevala za nadgradnjo svoje opazovalne funkcije in 3. maja 2011 z resolucijo GS OZN št. A/RES/65/276 pridobila okrepljen status opazovalca. Ker je sprejetje omenjene resolucije vzpostavilo okvir, ki prinaša spremembe za delovanje EU v GS OZN, je cilj moje magistrske naloge analizirati, kakšen vpliv je imela resolucija na koherentnost glasovanja DČ EU v GS OZN pri resolucijah, povezanih z jedrskim orožjem. Ker je nesoglasje med DČ EU v GS OZN najvišje glede resolucij, ki obravnavajo jedrsko orožje, sem raziskovala, v kolikšni meri je sprejetje resolucije GS OZN št. A/RES/65/276 prispevalo k sposobnosti EU, da v GS OZN predstavi skupno stališče oziroma »govori z enim glasom«, ko se razpravlja o tako kontroverzni temi. To ugotavljam na podlagi mešane metode in sicer kvantitativne analize glasovanja DČ EU na temo resolucij GS OZN, ki obravnavajo jedrsko orožje in kvalitativne analize morebitnih sprememb stališč DČ EU o jedrskem oboroževanju, v osemletnem obdobju pred in po sprejetju A/RES/65/276. Ugotavljam, da resolucija GS OZN št. A/RES/65/276 ni prispevala k večji stopnji koherentnosti glasovanja DČ EU v GS OZN pri glasovanju o resolucijah jedrskega orožja. DČ EU ostajajo razdeljene glede vprašanj jedrskega razoroževanja, pri čemer tako jedrske kot nejedrske države ohranjajo močne nacionalne preference. ; The EU is the first regional organization that has strived to upgrade its observer function in the UNGA and on 3rd May 2011, with the UNGA resolution A/RES/65/276 gained an enhanced observer status. Since the adoption of this resolution has created a framework that brings changes to the functioning of the EU in the UNGA, my master's thesis aims to analyze the impact of the resolution on the EU MS' voting coherence in the UNGA on nuclear-related resolutions. Since the disagreement between the EU MS in the UNGA is the highest regarding resolutions dealing with nuclear weapons, it seems appropriate to analyse to what extent the adoption of A/RES/65/276 contributed to the EU's ability to present a common position in the UNGA or the ability to »speak with one voice« when discussing such a controversial topic. I intend to identify this on the basis of a mixed method, i.e. a quantitative analysis of the EU MS' vote on the subject of resolutions dealing with nuclear weapons and qualitative analysis of possible changes of the EU's nuclear arms standpoints in the eight year period before and after the adoption of A/RES/65/276. Findings show that the UNGA Resolution no. A/RES/65/276, did not contribute to a greater coherence in the EU MS's voting in the UNGA when voting on nuclear weapons resolutions. EU MS remain divided on nuclear disarmament issues, with both nuclear and non-nuclear states maintaining strong national preferences.

Cilj magistrske naloge je prikaz manifestacije družbene moči skozi pravo, specifično v demokratičnih procesih ; demokracija je temelj razvitih družb ter točka, iz katere naj bi dandanes izviralo vso pravo, zato sem se osredotočila nanjo kot na izvor razlikovanja posameznikov na podlagi sposobnosti (abstraktne) artikulacije interesa v volilnih procesih. Obstajajo namreč določene skupine bitij, ki niso sposobne artikulirati svojega interesa abstraktno, na način, ki je značilen za današnje institucionalizirane volilne procese, zato so iz njih izključene. V tej nalogi sem se osredotočila na primere otrok, mentalno manj sposobnih posameznikov in nekaterih drugih subjektov, katerih interes se ne upošteva na enaki ravni kot interes drugih. Demokracija kot vladavina ljudstva se po mojem mnenju dandanes sprevrača v vladavino tistih, ki imajo golo fizično ter mentalno sposobnost oditi na volišče, brati, pisati, in abstrahirano, torej ne konkretno, izraziti svoj interes ; ne gre torej za vladavino, utemeljeno na ideji temeljne enakosti oziroma neizpodbojno jasnih ter enakovrednih interesov, temveč za vladavino tistih, ki so sposobni artikulirano ter dejavno delovati v družbi, ter zahtevati uveljavitev svojih interesov. Gre torej za neke vrste procesno, ne materialno enakost, zaradi katere tisti, ki niso sposobni artikulacije interesov v družbi, postanejo objekti prava. Ogledala sem si različne poglede na demokracijo, predpise, ki urejajo položaje omenjenih skupin, ter vprašanje (objektivnega ter subjektivnega) interesa, ki je ključno za mojo tezo, saj idejo obstoja diskriminacije utemeljujem na podlagi konkretnega interesa napram abstraktnemu. Poudarjam pa, da gre za pravno-sociološko, ne za primarno filozofsko delo, ki skuša torej zgolj naslikati dejanskost družbe in prava, ne pa ju tudi predpisovati. ; The goal of this paper is to showcase the manifestation of power within a society, specifically in democratic processes ; democracy is the foundation of developed societies and the supposed source of all of today's law, which is why I focused on it as the source of discrimination of individuals based on their ability to abstractly articulate their interest in voting processes. There are certain groups of people who are incapable of abstractly articulating their interest, in a way which is typical of today's institutionalised voting processes, which is why they are excluded from them ; I have focused on children and mentally handicapped individuals, who's interest isn't taken into account as much as other people's is. Democracy as the rule of the people is in my opinion now turning into the rule of those who have the mere physical and mental capacity to go to a voting booth, write and read, and abstractly (as opposed to concretely), formulate their interest ; it is therefore not a rule based on an idea of fundamental equality or clear and equal interests, but a rule of those who are capable of functioning in a society in an articulate and active way, and demand that their interests are enforced. It is therefore a procedural, not a material equality, because those who aren't capable of (abstractly) articulating their interests in this society become an object of the law. I have examined different views of democracy, regulation which deals with the status of the before mentioned groups, and the question of interest, which is crucial for my thesis, because I base my idea of the existence of discrimination on concrete interest versus the abstract one. I would like to point out that this is a legally-sociological, not a philosophical work, which therefore primarily tries only to paint the reality of society and law, not to prescribe them.

V magistrskem delu si postavljam ambiciozen cilj – predstaviti rešitve, ki bi v okviru demokracije omogočile dobre volilne odločitve. Kriterij dobre odločitve utemeljujem z načinom in postopkom sprejemanja odločitve, in ne z vsebino odločitve, saj je ta v demokraciji vedno pravilna. Postopek sprejemanja dobre odločitve delim na zbiranje informacij in njihovo vrednotenje, rezultat katerega je končna odločitev. Ker je vrednotenje informacij varovano s svobodo misli, sem se v želji po zagotavljanju dobrih odločitev osredotočil na informiranost volivcev. To želim doseči z uvedbo formalne zahteve po informiranosti volivca o volilni tematiki. Zahteva je izražena v predlaganem ukrepu omejitve volilne pravice na podlagi dolžne skrbnosti informiranja, ki volivce sili v informiranje, saj ti v nasprotnem primeru izgubijo pravico soodločanja. Poseg v splošnost volilne pravice utemeljujem z varovanjem javnega interesa in pravic drugih, pri tem pa sem zahtevani standard informiranosti, s ciljem ustavne dopustnosti, spustil na goli minimum. Ker kvaliteta volilne odločitve danes ni prepoznana kot samostojna vrednota, ne more uspešno konkurirati volilni pravici, zato predlagani ukrep na ustavnem testu sorazmernosti posega v varovano dobrino in teža koristi, za katere si ukrep prizadeva, pade. Predlagana ureditev torej z vidika trenutno veljavnega pravnega okvirja ni dopustna. ; At the beginning of my master's thesis, I set myself an ambitious goal – to ensure good electoral choices within the framework of democracy. The criterion for a good decision is based on the method and the decision-making process, and not the content of the decision itself, since the content itself is always the right one in democracy. I divide the process of making a good decision into the gathering of information and the evaluation of the gathered information, together resulting in the electoral decision. Since the evaluation of information is protected by the freedom of thought, I focused on the part of the gathering of the information to guarantee good electoral choices. To ensure the voters are sufficiently informed about the electoral topic, I am introducing a formal requirement for it. The requirement is expressed in the proposed limitation of the suffrage, based on the voters' duty to be informed about the electoral topics, which forces the voters to be informed, as they otherwise lose the right to vote. This is upheld by the opposing interest of protecting the public interest and the rights of others. As the goal of the proposed limitation was also to be compliant with the Constitution, I lowered the level of informational awareness requirement to its bare minimum. Since the quality of the voting decision is not (jet) recognized as an independent value, it was not able to successfully compete with the voting right in the constitutional test of proportionality and thus the proposed limitation failed the test. In the light of the current legal framework the proposed limitation is therefore not permissible.

Demokracija je sistem, je paradigma, ki se je brez volitev in udeležbe volivcev, že zaradi njene izvorne filozofske in družbene ideje ne da vzpostaviti in uresničiti. Ni je mogoče in tudi smelo se je ne bi vpeljati kot družbeni red kar tako, samo po sebi, kot še eno avtoritarno možnost z dejanjem avtoritarnega posameznika ali ozke skupine. Če je vzpostavljena, pa je v njenem temeljnem izhodišču, ki sloni na doslednem spoštovanju človekovih pravic, svoboščin in pravičnosti, niti ni mogoče v celoti uresničiti. Kot družbenopolitična pojavna oblika se namreč kaže kot sistem posredne ali neposredne vladavine njenega izvornega nosilca. Neposredna prihaja v konflikt z njeno dejansko uporabnostjo za vsa področja moderno strukturirane družbe, posredna se globoko in neizogibno oddaljuje od njenega bistva in smisla. Kljub temu so demokratične volitve še vedno temeljni, družbenosistemski element in pogoj za vzpostavitev demokratične družbe, zato se od tako vzpostavljenega sistema kot celote utemeljeno pričakuje, da bo volivcem in kandidatom v polni meri omogočil uresničiti njihovo ustavno in mednarodnopravno uveljavljeno volilno upravičenje in poslanstvo, druge upravičeno vpletene subjekte pa v skladu z demokratičnimi volilnimi standardi zadolžil za njihovo demokratično izvedbo, kontrolo in nadzor. Ker uresničevanje volilne pravice na volišču kot klasična oblika volitev s prihodom volivcev v »volilno urejen prostor ali stavbo« in oddajo papirnatih glasovnic v volilno skrinjo počasi, a zanesljivo izgublja svojo družbeno in politično funkcijo kot temeljni pogoj za njeno izvrševanje, je temeljna hipoteza predstavljene naloge zastavljala vprašanje, ali je tradicionalno volišče kot prostor in pravna kategorija uresničevanja ustavnega načela ljudske suverenosti in demokratične oblasti (še vedno) ustrezno zakonsko regulirano in ali zaradi novih načinov in tehnologij glasovanja ta njegova vloga postaja ustavno sporna. ; Democracy is a system, a paradigm which, due to its philosophical and social idea, cannot be established and realised without elections and voters' participation. It cannot and should not be introduced as a social system just like that, spontaneously, as another authoritarian option carried out by an authoritarian individual or a select group. However, when it is established, it cannot be fully realised in its fundamental starting point based on a consistent regard for human rights, freedoms and justice. As a socio-political phenomenon it appears as a system of direct or indirect reign of its original holder. It is directly in immediate conflict with its virtual practicability in all spheres of a modern structured society and indirectly it deeply and inevitably deviates from its essence and meaning. Nevertheless, democratic elections are still a fundamental social system element and a condition for the establishment of a democratic society. Therefore it is reasonable to expect from the established system as a whole to enable the voters and candidates to fully realize their constitutional and internationally established electoral entitlement and mission and to make it possible for the other legitimately involved subjects to be charged with their democratic implementation, control and supervision in accordance with democratic electoral standards. Since the exercise of voting rights at the polling station as a classic form of elections with the arrival of voters in an "electoral space or building" and the delivery of paper ballots in the electoral box slowly but doubtless loses its social and political function as a fundamental condition for its implementation, the fundamental hypothesis of the presented task raised the question whether the traditional polling place as a space and the legal category of the implementation of the constitutional principle of the people's sovereignty and democratic authority are (still) suitably legally regulated, or this role is becoming constitutionally controversial due to new methods and technologies of voting.

Na volilni sistem lahko gledamo kot na proces, ki ga razdelimo na fazo kandidiranja, fazo glasovanja in fazo ugotavljanja izida glasovanja. Fazo kandidiranja lahko opredelimo kot volitve pred dejanskimi volitvami, saj se že v tem delu izmed vseh, ki izpolnjujejo pogoje pasivne volilne pravice, izbere manjše število kandidatov, med katerimi lahko volivci v naslednji fazi glasujejo. Pogoji kandidiranja pri predsedniških volitvah na eni strani zagotavljajo, da se volilne tekme udeležijo najbolj kredibilni in zaupanja vredni posamezniki, na drugi strani pa poskrbijo, da se izloči tiste, ki že v tej fazi uživajo premajhno podporo in nimajo niti najmanjše možnosti za izvolitev. Ti pogoji so navadno višji kot pri drugih državnih ali lokalnih volitvah. Primerjalno gledano sta najbolj značilna pogoja višja starost in državljanstvo, ki ju mora izpolnjevati kandidat ob podpori, ki je predpisana z določenim številom podpisov ali denarnim depozitom. Kot predlagateljice nastopajo predvsem tri skupine, in sicer politične stranke, člani parlamenta in volivci. Lahko pride tudi do kombinacije med dvema ali vsemi predlagatelji. Če za parlamentarne volitve velja prevlada političnih strank kot predlagateljev, je pri predsedniških volitvah drugače, saj se daje več poudarka članom parlamenta in volivcem. Za razliko od večine evropskih držav Republika Slovenija ne predpisuje strožjih omejitev za predsedniške kandidate, ampak določa enake pogoje za pridobitev pasivne in aktivne volilne pravice, pri tem pa lahko kandidata predlagajo politične stranke, poslanci državnega zbora in volivci. Volilni predpisi pa prepovedujejo, da bi lahko nekdo bil hkrati kandidat za Predsednika republike in za poslanca Državnega zbora ali člana Državnega sveta in je lahko na to funkcijo izvoljen največ dvakrat zaporedoma. ; Electoral system can be determined as a process that is divided into the phase of nomination, the voting phase and the phase that indentifies the results of voting. A smaller number of candidates that are eligible for election is selected in the phase of nominaton and among those voters can vote in the next phase. That is why nomination phase can be defined as the elections before actual elections. The conditions in the nomination phase on one hand ensure that the most credible and trusted individuals take part in elections and on the other hand the conditions eliminate those who do not have enough support and do not even have the slightest chance of being elected. These conditions are usually higher than in any other national or local elections. In comparative terms, most typical conditions are higher age and citizenship and those conditions must be met by a candidate, who also needs a support which is prescribed by a certain number of signatures or cash deposit. The proposers are mainly three groups – political parties, members of parliament and voters. There may also be a combination between two or all of the proposers. Unlike in parliamentary elections where political parties dominate as proposers, in the presidential election voters and members are more important proposers than political parties. Unlike most European countries Republic of Slovenia does not prescribe stricter limits for presidential candidates but stipulates the same conditions for obtaining the right to stand and right to vote. Candidates can be nominated by political parties, deputies of the national assembly and voters. The electoral regulations prohibit that one may be a candidate for the president of the republic and a member of the national assembly or a member of the national council at the same time. No one can be elected as the President of the Republic of Slovenia more than twice in a row.