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For representative democracies to function properly, elected officials must represent the interests of their constituents. This article attempts to determine whether the voting behavior of Russian single-member district deputies in the first two postcommunist Dumas was influenced by constituent preferences. Previous research on the Duma has questioned the existence of such constituent-legislator links in the new Russia. Based on a statistical analysis of Duma voting behavior, this article argues that even when controlling for other factors the voting behavior of Russian single-member district deputies was in fact influenced by constituent preferences. 6 Tables, 2 Figures. Adapted from the source document.

The second round of elections for the presidency of Colombia, May 28th-June 16th, 2018, was characterized by the absence of a debate between Humane Colombia and the Democratic Center candidates. The electoral contest focused on social networks and the two candidates used, through the Twitter social network, language strategies of opposition, resistance, cover-up, legitimization, and delegitimization that sharpenedthe polarization between the call to nationalism, the safeguarding of the institutions, and a new country project. This article aims to demonstrate these strategies used by presidential candidates during the second round of elections that circulated on Twitter to capture potential voters. The research uses a mixed methodology composed of two approaches. The descriptive analysis of quantitative type to recover the 391 trills issued from the Twitter accounts of Humane Colombia and the Democratic Center during the three weeks of the campaign. Subsequently, a critical analysis of the political discourse was carried out to establish the articulation of the relations between politics, social networks, and language. The findings indicate continuity in political practices concerning the two previous electoralperiods characterized by confrontation and hostility between two ideologically opposed blocs: right and left. ; La segunda vuelta electoral por la presidencia de Colombia, 28 de mayo al 16 de junio de 2018, se caracterizó por la ausencia de un debate entre los candidatos de la Colombia Humana y el Centro Democrático. La contienda electoral se centró en las redes sociales y los dos candidatos usaron, a través de la red social Twitter, estrategias del lenguaje de oposición, resistencia, encubrimiento, legitimación y deslegitimación que agudizaron la polarización entre el llamado al nacionalismo, la salvaguarda de las instituciones y un nuevo proyecto de país. El presente artículo tiene como objetivo evidenciar estas estrategias utilizadas por los aspirantes a la presidencia, durante la segunda vuelta electoral que circularon en Twitter con la finalidad de captar potenciales electores. La investigación utiliza una metodología mixta compuesta de dos enfoques. El análisis descriptivo de corte cuantitativo para recuperar los 391 trinos emitidos desde las cuentas deTwitter de la Colombia Humana y el Centro Democrático durante las tres semanas de campaña. Posteriormente se efectuó un análisis crítico del discurso político para establecer la articulaciónde las relaciones entre política, redes sociales y lenguaje. Los hallazgos indican una continuidad en las prácticas políticas en relación con los dos anteriores periodos electorales caracterizados por el enfrentamiento y la hostilidad entre dos bloques ideológicamente opuestos: derecha y la izquierda. ; O segundo turno eleitoral para a presidência da Colômbia, que foi de 28 de maio ao 16 de junho de 2018, caracterizou-se pela ausência de um debate entre os candidatos da Colômbia Humana e o Centro Democrático. A disputa eleitoral centrou-se nas redes sociais e os dois candidatos usaram, através do Twitter, estratégias de linguagem de oposição, resistência, encobrimento, legitimação e deslegitimação que agravaram a polarização entre o nacionalismo, a salvaguarda das instituições e um novo projeto de país. O presente artigo tem como objetivo evidenciar ditas estratégias utilizadas pelos candidatos à presidência, durante o segundo turno eleitoral que circularam no Twitter com a finalidade de captar potenciais eleitores.A investigação utilizou uma metodologia mista, composta de dois enfoques. A análise descritiva do tipo quantitativo para recuperar os 391 trinos emitidos a partir das contas de Twitter da coligação Colômbia Humana e do Centro Democrático, durante as três semanas de campanha. Posteriormente foi realizada uma análises crítica do discurso político para estabelecer a articulação das relações entre política, redes sociais e linguagem. Os resultados indicam uma continuidade nas práticas políticas em relação com as dos dois anteriores períodos eleitorais caracterizados pelo enfrentamento e a hostilidade entre dois blocos ideológicos opostos: direita e esquerda.

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THIS ARTICLE CONTRASTS THE "SELF-INTEREST" AND "SYMBOLIC POLITICS" EXPLANATIONS FOR THE FORMATION OF MASS POLICY PREFERENCES AND VOTING BEHAVIOR. THE TWO MODELS ARE COMPARED IN TERMS OF THEIR ABILITY TO ACCOUNT FOR WHITES' OPPOSITION TO BUSING, AND THE ROLE OF THE BUSING ISSUE IN PRESIDENTIAL VOTING DECISIONS USING 1972 CPS ELECTION STUDY DATA.

The aim of this paper is a comparative analysis of the new methods used to organise the 2020 general elections in Poland and the Czech Republic, which were held in the state of the SARS-19 virus pandemic. This paper analyses the voting methods introduced in connection with sanitary regulations in both countries and the scale of votes cast in this way in relation to the total. It discusses and compares the requirements introduced that voters and electoral commission members had to meet on voting day to minimise the risk of infection with the virus. The text shows a number of similarities in both countries in terms of the measures applied to prevent the spread of the virus associated with a personal visit to a polling station. An additional aspect of the comparative analysis of the covid-voting methods in the two countries was a discussion of voting rules for those infected or in quarantine on voting day. Analysis of the data showed that in both countries the alternative voting method, was not very popular.

Using thermometer score data from the ANES, we show that while there may have been no clear-cut Condorcet winner among the 2016 US presidential candidates, there appears to have been a Condorcet loser: Donald Trump. Thus the surprise is that the electorate preferred not only Hillary Clinton, but also the two "minor" candidates, Gary Johnson and Jill Stein, to Trump. Another surprise is that Johnson may have been the Condorcet winner. A minimal normative standard for evaluating voting systems is advanced, privileging those systems that select Condorcet winners if one exists, and critiquing systems that allow the selection of Condorcet losers. A variety of voting mechanisms are evaluated using the 2016 thermometer scores: Condorcet voting, plurality, Borda, (single winner) Hare, Coombs, range voting, and approval voting. We conclude that the essential problem with the existing voting procedure—Electoral College runoff of primary winners of two major parties—is that it (demonstrably) allows the selection of a Condorcet loser.

This study aimed to analyze the portrait, shape, and strengthening of the voting behavior of villagers and the political education of young and old villagers in the election of village heads. This study used a case study qualitative approach with observation, interviews, and documentation as data collection techniques. The results showed that the portrait of villager voting behavior in the village head election was seen through the use of voting rights, material and physical support, and participation in village deliberations. The form of the voting behavior of villagers in the village head election is included in the categories of novice voters, sawing voters, floating masses, and permanent voters. Strengthening the voting behavior of villagers in the election of village heads was carried out through socialization carried out by village officials, contestants, volunteers, churches, and the committee of the voting group. The political education of young villagers in the election of village heads was obtained from various online media, while the older group received political education from print media.

Estonia has acquired the reputation of a successful e-voting country, and perhaps justifiably so. It was the first country in the world to enable remote online voting in nationwide elections in 2005 and the share of e-voters has been on a rise ever since, now reaching one-third of all voters. Against this backdrop of a seemingly flourishing e-democracy, we set out to ask if the country's success in e-voting also implies its success in e-democracy in a broader sense. In a qualitative case study, we compare Estonia's experience in e-voting with the implementation and outcomes of three e-participation projects to demonstrate that considerable discrepancies exist between the take-up and perceived success of e-voting vis-à-vis other e-democracy instruments. In light of these findings the paper further discusses the factors that are likely to account for these differences and highlights the need to look beyond the success of online voting for a holistic evaluation of the state of e-democracy in a given country.

Voting represents, arguably, the most important right and responsibility of a citizen in a democracy. Nevertheless, few adults are with an intellectual or developmental disability vote, and few are provided systematic instruction on voting or how to participate in the political process. Regrettably, 44 states have disenfranchisement provisions that prohibit many people with an intellectual disability from voting. These state provisions are in conflict with federal laws, which mandate that citizens with disabilities are guaranteed the same rights as citizens without disabilities. This study is a preliminary investigation of the perspective of a sample of support personnel regarding the value of voting for people with an intellectual or developmental disability and the extent to which they have provided voting instruction to their clients. The findings revealed that very few clients vote, are registered to vote, or are provided any instruction on how to vote or be informed about voting positions. The implications of the findings are discussed, and futures areas of research are suggested.

The shortcomings of the voting systems used in the 2000 presidential election raised the awareness of the need to replace these systems. As a result, with the funds of Help America Vote Act (HAVA), many US states switched to Direct Recording Electronic (DRE) voting systems before the 2004 elections. Unfortunately these paperless voting machines were not as secure and efficient as state officials had hoped. Since their implementation, many studies have shown the threats of these systems and their flaws. While some data security experts tried to improve these voting systems, many discouraged their use and recommended more transparent methods.Although, several countries in Europe and around the world have successfully utilized E-voting, many US districts and states still don't trust this technology and are returning to paper ballots. In this paper, we will propose a new system as a solution to the current problems. This approach combines the advantages of both paper ballots and Direct Recording Electronic (DRE) voting systems while avoiding the major flaws of these systems.

This is the first of three papers introducing a theory for positional voting methods that determines all possible election rankings and relationships that ever could occur with a profile over all possible subsets of candidates for any specified choices of positional voting methods. As such, these results extend to all positional voting systems what was previously possible only for the Borda Count and the plurality voting systems. In this first part certain mathematical symmetries based on neutrality are used 1) to generalize the basic properties that cause the desired features of the Borda Count and 2) to describe classes of positional voting methods with new types of election relationships among the election outcomes. Some of these relationships generalize the well-known results about the positioning of a Condorcet winner/loser within a Borda ranking, but now it is possible for the Condorcet loser, rather than the winner, to have the advantage to win certain positional elections. Included among the results are axiomatic characterizations of many positional voting methods.

The statistical modelers are back. The presidential election forecasting errors of 2000 did not repeat themselves in 2004. On the contrary, the forecasts, from at least seven different teams, were generally quite accurate (Campbell 2004; Lewis-Beck 2005). Encouragingly, their prowess is receiving attention from forecasters outside the social sciences, in fields such as engineering and commerce. Noteworthy here is the recent special issue on U.S. presidential election forecasting published in the International Journal of Forecasting, containing some 10 different papers (Campbell and Lewis-Beck 2008). Our contribution in that special issue explored the question of whether our Jobs Model, off by only 1 percentage point in its 2004 forecast, was a simple product of data-mining (Lewis-Beck and Tien 2008).

Electoral districting and the vote share needed for election are analysed in terms of structural features. Challenges to the majority vote requirement and electoral formats are based on claims arising under the 1982 Voting Rights Act that these arrangements dilute the influence of minority voters. Examines turnout and its racial breakdown to determine whether there is a relationship with the challenged mechanisms. (SJK)