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'Micro-blogging Memories: Weibo and Collective Remembering in Contemporary China is one of the best books on Chinese internet culture and politics in recent years. It offers a stunningly original and insightful analysis of how journalists and ordinary citizens in China create news, remember contested histories, and explore personal and collective identities on China's preeminent microblogging platform Sina Weibo. Skillfully weaving together stories of past and present, the local and the global, control and resistance, the book provides a rich and textured account of not only the highs and lows of a popular social media platform, but also the dramas of social change in China. This book makes important contributions to the scholarship on digital media and culture, collective memory, and global communication.' - Guobin Yang, University of Pennsylvania, USA This book offers an in-depth account of social media, journalism and collective memory through a five-year analysis of Weibo, a leading Chinese micro-blogging platform, and prism of transitional China in a globalizing world. How does society remember public events in the rapidly changing age of social media? Eileen Le Han examines how various kinds of public events are shared, debated, and their historical significance and worthiness of remembrance highlighted on Weibo. Journalism plays a significant part in mobilizing collective remembering of these events, in a society with rapidly changing topics on the platform, the tightening state control, and nationalism on the rise. The first five years of Weibo reflect a dramatic change in Chinese society, where journalists, media professionals, and opinion leaders in other fields of expertise, together with ordinary citizens directly affected by these changes in everyday life collaborate to witness the rapid social transition

"Micro-blogging Memories: Weibo and Collective Remembering in Contemporary China is one of the best books on Chinese internet culture and politics in recent years. It offers a stunningly original and insightful analysis of how journalists and ordinary citizens in China create news, remember contested histories, and explore personal and collective identities on China's preeminent microblogging platform Sina Weibo. Skillfully weaving together stories of past and present, the local and the global, control and resistance, the book provides a rich and textured account of not only the highs and lows of a popular social media platform, but also the dramas of social change in China. This book makes important contributions to the scholarship on digital media and culture, collective memory, and global communication."--Guobin Yang, University of Pennsylvania, USA This book offers an in-depth account of social media, journalism and collective memory through a five-year analysis of Weibo, a leading Chinese micro-blogging platform, and prism of transitional China in a globalizing world. How does society remember public events in the rapidly changing age of social media? Eileen Le Han examines how various kinds of public events are shared, debated, and their historical significance and worthiness of remembrance highlighted on Weibo. Journalism plays a significant part in mobilizing collective remembering of these events, in a society with rapidly changing topics on the platform, the tightening state control, and nationalism on the rise. The first five years of Weibo reflect a dramatic change in Chinese society, where journalists, media professionals, and opinion leaders in other fields of expertise, together with ordinary citizens directly affected by these changes in everyday life collaborate to witness the rapid social transition

AbstractThis article examines the prominence of various user categories as opinion leaders, defined as initiators, agenda setters or disseminators, in 29 corruption cases exposed on Sina Weibo. It finds that ordinary citizens made up the largest category of initiators but that their power of opinion leadership was limited as they had to rely on media organizations to spread news about the cases. News organizations and online media were the main opinion leaders. Government and Party bodies initiated a fair number of cases and, despite not being strong agenda setters or disseminators, were able to dominate public opinion owing to the fact that news organizations and online media mainly published official announcements about the cases. Media organizations also played a secondary role as the voice of the people. While individuals from some other user categories were able to become prominent opinion leaders, news workers are likely to be the most promising user category to challenge official propaganda.

This article examines the prominence of various user categories as opinion leaders, defined as initiators, agenda setters or disseminators, in 29 corruption cases exposed on Sina Weibo. It finds that ordinary citizens made up the largest category of initiators but that their power of opinion leadership was limited as they had to rely on media organizations to spread news about the cases. News organizations and online media were the main opinion leaders. Government and Party bodies initiated a fair number of cases and, despite not being strong agenda setters or disseminators, were able to dominate public opinion owing to the fact that news organizations and online media mainly published official announcements about the cases. Media organizations also played a secondary role as the voice of the people. While individuals from some other user categories were able to become prominent opinion leaders, news workers are likely to be the most promising user category to challenge official propaganda. (China Q/GIGA)

We study Chinese attitudes toward the United States, and secondarily toward Japan, Russia, and Vietnam, by analyzing social media discourse on the Chinese social media site, Weibo. We focus separately on a general analysis of attitudes and on Chinese responses to specific international events involving the United States. In general, we find that Chinese netizens are much more interested in US politics than US society. Their views of the United States are characterized by deep ambivalence; they have remarkably favorable attitudes toward many aspects of US influence, whether economic, political, intellectual, or cultural. Attitudes toward the United States become negative when the focus turns to US foreign policy – actions that Chinese netizens view as antithetical to Chinese interests. On the contrary, attitudes toward Japan, Russia, and Vietnam vary a great deal from one another. The contrast between these differentiated Chinese views toward the United States and other countries, on the one hand, and the predominant anti-Americanism in the Middle East, on the other, is striking.

Digital networks in China, especially the microblogging site Weibo, have provided a rarespace for political participation. China has been strengthening its monopoly of public opinions on the internet in recent years. Consequently, increasing grassroots public opinion leaders have left popular digital networks. However, activists striving for womens rights are stillpopular on Weibo. How do Chinese feminists use digital networks to serve their goal? Whatdoes the increasingly strict internet control mean to them? This paper takes the perspectivesof individual feminist microbloggers on Weibo, using qualitative interview as the researchmethod, to deepen the understanding of digitally networked feminist activism in an authoritarian context and feminists use of digital networks. It focuses on the following aspects:Chinas digital feminists relationship with the digital networks that they use, their digitalfeminist identity and their experiences with the authoritarian system. ; Refereed/Peer-reviewed ; (VLID)5205551

Antonio Gramsci"s Theories of Cultural Hegemony are used as a methodology to analyze ideological struggles on Weibo in China. Gramsci "s argument is that the Civil Society is the field of negotiations between the state and individuals, where a governing power wins consent to its rule from those it subjugates. In China, the civil society is very weak but since 2012 Weibo has exercised some functions as a "virtual civil society". The author tries to elaborate the political and cultural functions of Weibo in Chinese political context.

Introduction -- Carnivalesque discourse: an interdisciplinary approach to understanding civic participation in Chinese social media -- Background and context of media regulation: an ongoing campaign -- Weiguan and Meizhi: modes of civic participation in contemporary China -- Playing word games: subversive pleasures through civic participation media events -- A case study of China's 2011 high-speed train accident -- Chinese social media, empowerment and the new sense of entitlement: case studies of Panbi and can I swear? -- Conclusion

The new element in governance is social media. Inexorably, its fertile networks of shared information shift power from authorities to citizens and amateurs, including to the "unknown" experts in the "dorm rooms and edges of society" who drive innovation.Tweets may bust trust and undermine authority, but can social media also be a tool for building consensus through deliberation and negotiation among interests? When it comes to governance, is crowd‐sourcing any better than populism at generating collective intelligence instead of disruptive "dumb mobs?" Can networks aid the self‐administration of society, or does that take institutions with governing authority?In this section, leading Silicon Valley entrepreneurs, technologists and network theorists from Google, Microsoft and the MIT Media Lab join with political scientist Francis Fukuyama and top thinkers from Asia to address these issues.