Suchergebnisse

If there was a referendum in Mozambique today, an overwhelming majority of the people would vote against their government having anything to do with the current model of democracy. They know all too well that there has definitely been a considerable welfare reduction to them as a result of the way this thing called "Representative Democracy" has been being played out in their country during the past decade. There is no doubt that the overwhelming majority of the Mozambican people if not, most African governments would prefer to see fundamental changes in their countries' relations with this Western model of democracy. There is a virtual consensus among the general public, vocally expressed in the local media, as well as among officials, who naturally prefer putting forth their views in more private settings, that the relationship between citizen and the democratic institutions has been detrimental to the country, that far from helping it to become politically and economically viable, these institutions have been capitalising on, exacerbating and perpetuating Mozambique's crisis. The research was based on participant observation, and it also involved a bibliographic review of relevant documents in the area of political participation, philosophy and other documents such as the 2004 Constitution of the Republic of Mozambique, Mozambican legislation, reports and research already published by other organizations.

As a state of law as well as a democratic state, Indonesia guarantees and protects the right to freely express opinions and the right to organize in society. This in the end becomes the basis for every member of the community to be free to establish an Ormas. The freedom to establish these mass organizations in its development is not controlled due to the absence of real government control and supervision. This has resulted in many mass organizations being born into thugs and illegal organizations. This study aims to analyze the current system of supervision of mass organizations in Indonesia, the weaknesses in the current implementation of mass organizations, and the ideal reconstruction of a system of supervision of mass organizations capable of realizing a just law of mass organizations. The research in this dissertation uses the sociological juridical method. As for the results of the research conducted, it can be found that the current implementation of normative supervision has not been effective, as evidenced by the large number of problematic and prohibited mass organizations, weaknesses in the supervision of mass organizations in the community due to a legal vacuum in the regulation of supervision of mass organizations, so it is necessary to reconstruct values by conducting supervision and education. regarding the goals of mass organizations and the goals of the state and nation as well as legal reconstruction in the form of adding provisions for the supervision of mass organizations in the Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 16 of 2017.

An estimated 90% of all confirmed COVID-19 cases occur in rural and urban areas around the world, where all industries and sectors have been severely impacted. The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted and intensified many of the difficulties and uncertainties local governments face in carrying out their responsibilities. Apart from restoring normalcy, local governments in the National Capital Region face specific challenges, as they must double their efforts and interventions to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), as well as restore and reinforce community resilience in both short and long-term response and action. Local government plays a significant role in providing social services in normal times and ensures that these public services are accessible in times of adversity and distress, as well as acting as first responders in disaster prevention, rescue, and restoration. While the world has not yet crossed everyone, and some issues remain unresolved, the author agrees that unprecedented decisions and good practices from neighboring countries should have been taken to protect citizens, especially the most vulnerable. The author examined and reviewed the various mechanisms used by various local governments in Metro Manila, as well as the SDG framework, to analyze the challenges and good practices for local responses to the pandemic and mitigating its effects. The author finds that identifying the challenges faced by various local governments in Metro Manila as well as how they deal with these challenges and recognizing their good practices would aid local governments in long-term sustainability planning and development.

A well-functioning food safety regulatory arrangement is important for ensuring the standards of foodstuffs, better food business, and the protection of public health in a given country. This article deals with the perceived determinants of the food safety regulation in Bangladesh. Based on literature review, we propose an analytical framework and identify key determinants that might influence effective food safety regulation in a developing country like Bangladesh. We then conduct a perception survey on 200 different kinds of stakeholders involved with the regulation of foodstuffs standards. We utilize descriptive mode of statistical analysis in our study. In our findings, actual autonomy of the main regulatory agency, and actual inter-organizational coordination are perceived as important determinates of effective food safety regulation. Proper enforcement of regulation, and accountability and transparency are perceived another factors of quality food safety regulation. It is also perceived that penalties are not sufficient enough for the food safety offences. Technical personnel and the state of the art laboratory facilities are other determinants of the regulation of food safety. Again, decentralized food safety regulatory network is perceived as very important determinant of the control of the food safety hazards at all level as well as an effective regulatory arrangement. The policy makers need to take into account the perceived determinates for desired food safety regulatory outcome in Bangladesh

: A strong national defense system does not require consideration of empathy, including the geographical factors of the country being examined, the national resources of a country, an analysis of possible threats that will arise, and the development of information technology. Defense is something that is fundamental to the survival of a country. Cooperation between Indonesia and South Korea in the defense industry is centered on the development of the changbogo class submarine and the development of the KFX / IFX fighter aircraft. Seen from the Government's policy, it can be seen that the domestic industry is unprepared to support the independence of the defense industry. This unpreparedness can be caused by the absence of supporting infrastructure or financial support for mass production of defense and security equipment. This scientific work is expected to provide recommendations in defense policy regarding submarine development. This study uses a scientific approach with qualitative descriptive methods and uses implementation tehory by George C. Edward. The results of this study a policy review of South Korea's Submarine purchase policy . The conclusion of this study are constraints and challenges faced in improving submarines, particularly related to the ability of PT. PAL Indonesia is still limited in the manufacture of the DSME 209/1400 submarine.

Oil and gas as the non-renewable resources are considered very valuable for the countries with petroleum economics. These resources are not only diffused equally around the world, but also they are common in some places which their neighbors often come into conflicts. Consequently, it is vital for those countries to manage their resource utilization. Lately, game theory was applied in conflict resolution of common resources, such as water, which is a proof of its efficacy and capability. This paper models the conflicts between Iran and its neighbors namely Qatar and Iraq between their oil and gas common resources using game theory approach. In other words, the future of these countries will be introduced and analyzed by some well-known 2 × 2 games to achieve a better perspective of their conflicts. Because of information inadequacy of the players, in addition to Nash Stability, various solution concepts are used based on the foresight, disimprovements, and knowledge of preferences. The results of mathematical models show how the countries could take a reasonable strategy to exploit their common resources. ; This paper models the conflicts between Iran and its neighbors namely Qatar and Iraq between their oil and gas common resources using game theory approach. In other words, the future of these countries will be introduced and analyzed by some well-known 2 9 2 games to achieve a better perspective of their conflicts. Because of information inadequacy of the players, in addition to Nash Stability, various solution concepts are used based on the foresight, disimprovements, and knowledge of preferences. The results of mathematical models show how the countries could take a reasonable strategy to exploit their common resources.

The Industrial Revolution 4.0 (IR4.0) is taking shape and has a strong impact on all areas of social life. For the state administration, the IR4.0 creates many opportunities as well as challenges that require managers to promptly grasp to have appropriate orientations and solutions, to perfect the state administration, to meet the requirements of national development. On the basis of analyzing the positive effects and challenges of IR4.0 on the reform of the state administration, the article proposes a number of recommendations: actively improve the institutional system of the administration, create a legal corridor for the development of industries and fields; promote the application of modern technological achievements to the management activities of administrative agencies; actively, proactively build and improve the qualifications and capacity of civil servants. Thereby, it will continue to perfect the state administration, and meet the requirements of IR4.0.

Well defined and futuristic education policy is essential for a country at school and college levels due to the reason that education leads to economic and social progress. Different countries adopt different education systems by considering the tradition and culture and adopt different stages during their life cycle at school and college education levels to make it effective. Recently Government of India announced its new Education policy which is based on the recommendations by an expert committee headed by Dr. Kasturirangan, Former chairman of the Indian Space Research Organization (ISRO). This paper highlights on various policies announced in the higher education system and compare them with the currently adopted system. Various innovations and predicted implications of NEP 2020 on the Indian higher education system along with its merits are discussed. Finally, some suggestions are proposed for its effective implementation towards achieving its objectives.

Alfred the Great's domboc ('book of laws') is the longest and most ambitious legal text of the Anglo-Saxon period. Alfred places his own laws, dealing with everything from sanctuary to feuding to the theft of bees, between a lengthy translation of legal passages from the Bible and the legislation of the West-Saxon King Ine (r. 688-726), which rival his own in length and scope. This book is the first critical edition of the domboc published in over a century, as well as a new translation. Five introductory chapters offer fresh insights into the laws of Alfred and Ine, considering their backgrounds, their relationship to early medieval legal culture, their manuscript evidence and their reception in later centuries. Rather than a haphazard accumulation of ordinances, the domboc is shown to issue from deep reflection on the nature of law itself, whose effects would permanently alter the development of early English legislation

The connection between India Pakistan plummeted to its lowest levels in the late 1980s as the militancy was stepped up in Kashmir by Pakistan. This is not to agree that there have been patches of collaboration when peace efforts were made, particularly during the leadership of Rajiv Gandhi and Benazir Bhutto in observe to the Siachen, conflict. However, in general, the connection has been hostile and bitter. After the murder of Rajiv Gandhi and overthrow of Benazir, peace efforts were struggling to take off until I. K. Gujaral and Nawaz Sharif took charge. Hopes were raised on mutually sides of the border that the two prime ministers, being Punjabis, would welcome each other improved. Both took initiatives to resume the delayed talks and showed their decide to remove the barriers from Indo-Pakistani ties. In India, headship changed hands normally from the mid 1990s onwards. Pakistan was a bit stable under Nawaz Sharif who had shown the interest in humanizing relations with India. But with the coming one of the Bhartiya Janata Party to power In India, doubts were bound to be expressed in Pakistan. Though Atal Behari Vajpayee lasted only 11 days as Prime Minister, his next tenure in 1998 proved otherwise. This time, leading a alliance government, Vajpayee was solid in proving his critics, both in India and Pakistan, wrong by making honest efforts to improve the connection. Vajpayee tried to work out his family and external agendas in tandem. On the one hand in May 1998, he gave consent to check five nuclear devices in Pokhran and step up the missile programme, and on the other, he comprehensive his hand of familiarity to Pakistan. In return, Pakistan responded by explosion its first ever nuclear machine in the Chagai hills and carrying out a succession of missile tests. Amidst these developments Vajpayee also made a momentous bus trip to Lahore through the Wagah border and signed the Lahore statement there with Nawaz Sharif.

The security situation in Papua has recently escalated and tends to heat up. Responding to the escalation and violence that occurred in Papua, ensure that the government has categorized the Papuan Armed Criminal Group and all organizations and people who are members of it, and who support the movement, as terrorists. The increasing security situation in the Papua region is an urgency for the need for a comprehensive approach between the TNI, Polri, Satkowil, Regional Government, Ministry and Institutions to synergize in order to reduce the Papua conflict. The theory used in analyzing this problem is the theory of optimization, synergy, counter insurgency, the concept of terrorism, and the concept of national defense. The method that the researcher uses is a qualitative method with a phenomenological approach, based on the researcher's experience while on duty in Papua. The results of this study indicate that synergies between institutions / ministries have been carried out in the form of dialogue, a soft power approach within the OMSP framework, as well as empowerment of local communities by synergizing with local governments. However, with the ongoing conflict and several escalations that occur, this shows that the synergy is still not optimal enough.

,Ex-convicts must wait for a five-year gap after passing their prison term and announce their background if they want to run for governor, regent, or mayor, according to the Constitutional Court's decision Number 56/PUU-XVII/2019. The election of regional heads is an activity in the context of implementing a government system in the form of democracy. In the implementation of regional head elections, to get quality regional leaders, it takes qualified candidates promoted by political parties as well as those who run independently. Among the requirements for a regional head candidate, both at the provincial and district/city levels, a candidate must not be in a status of an ex-convict. The research method in this research was normative juridical. This research shows that based on the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, ex-convicts are also citizens who have the same political rights as other citizens. The existence of a provision that is a requirement to run as a candidate for the regional head in the election clearly limits or even negates a person's right to participate in exercising their rights. The decision of Constitutional Court No.42/PUUXIII/2015 states that ex-convicts can participate in regional head elections with certain conditions.

Nigeria and Nigerians have witnessed different kinds of electoral frauds since the return to democracy in 1999. Counting from the 1999 general election in Nigeria, the 2019 general election is the 6th general elections conducted in the country. Unfortunately, none of these elections have been considered to be free and fair as there are always public outcries from one end to another against the results of the elections as a result of lack of transparency in the process. Drawing from this background, this study, examines whether heavy use of WhatsApp platforms by different political parties in the election encouraged popular participation and effective monitoring of the electoral processes. The study which examined a total of 318 respondents sampled from select WhatsApp groups of the two leading political parties adopted the survey research method with the social media engagement and technological acceptance theories as its theoretical framework to ascertain whether the use of WhatsApp platforms by political parties encouraged popular participation among the electorate and determine if WhatsApp platforms were helpful to parties in monitoring the 2019 general election as well as its processes. Findings revealed that WhatsApp use encouraged popular participation and electoral process monitoring. The researchers recommended that the political parties and the electoral umpire should engage more in the use of social media platforms in passing information during, on and after election to encourage transparency in leadership

The article looks into the contemporary challenges for higher education in the era of unexpected global turbulences following the processes of globalisation not only in the social, political, economic and financial contexts but also in the educational domain. Multidimensional reality has brought its changes to communication and risen the standards of effective communication much higher than forecast in the previous years. The global developments drive for efficiency in intercultural dialogue, which causes reconsideration of the lingual status of education in multinational classrooms. The burning issues arise more sharply for cross border communication for business and diplomacy purposes. It means that a high demand in the educational market for LSP instructors (LSP – languages for specific purposes) at philology departments in Ukraine and abroad has started moving higher education to become more business oriented and stakeholder and university partnered. That said, it is necessary to analyse the existing foundations for poly- / multiculturality in higher education as supported by governments and the government of Ukraine, in particular, as well as go deeper into the levels of the research concept, the methodological level, to be more precise. As part of the research, the paper describes the key methodological approaches to foster and cultivate poly- / multiculturality in multi-dimensional classrooms – polylingual and multicultural. Such approaches are viewed fundamental to educate high-class LSP instructors in the field of foreign language instruction and acquisition in higher education. Among them are the systemic approach including the structural one, the synergic approach to cultivate poly- / multiculturality with future LSP educators in foreign language classrooms, cross-cultural approach, axiological and communicative approaches, environmental and reflexive approaches, etc.

Direct elections for regional heads by the people began after the issuance of Law no. 32 of 2004 concerning Regional Government. After the implementation of direct regional head elections by the people for 12 years, there were pros and cons regarding the implementation of direct regional head elections so that Law No. 22 of 2014 concerning the Regional Head Election in a representative manner by the DPRD which was later canceled through Government Regulation in Lieu of Law (Perpu) No. 1 of 2014 concerning Direct Regional Head Election by the People. The issuance of a Government Regulation in Lieu of a Law is intended so that democracy at the regional or local level can develop where regional people can directly elect their leaders at the regional or local level. This research is a normative legal research where the focus of the study is the norms contained in Perpu No. 1 of 2014 which returns the regional head elections directly elected by the local people. This research approach uses a qualitative juridical approach, namely examining from the legal side in addition to providing explanations regarding the considerations issued by the president's Perpu and the public's response to direct regional head elections. The purpose of this study is to determine the process of regional head elections that are directly elected by the local people so that the development of democracy at the local level can run well. The results obtained from this research are that direct regional head elections by the local people reflect more of a democratic nature than through representation and are in accordance with the wishes of the constitution that sovereignty is in the hands of the people.