Suchergebnisse

10 pages, 4 figures, 6 tables, supplementary data https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ecss.2021.107699 ; Sardine and anchovy have shown important changes in landings, biomass, abundance and body condition with time in the Western Mediterranean Sea. Several hypotheses have been proposed to explain these changes, including the negative interaction with jellyfish blooms. Increases in jellyfish blooms may be one of the reasons for a decline in these fish stocks because several jellyfish species have been shown to feed on fish larvae and juveniles. The main aim of the present study was to test the plausible relationship between jellyfish blooms and stock dynamics (abundance, biomass, and fitness) of anchovy and sardine, and its fisheries within an ecological context of the western Mediterranean Sea. Our main hypothesis was that jellyfish blooms, in combination with other environmental drivers, could have negative effects due to their predation on early stages of small pelagic fish (direct mortality) or due to predation on zooplankton, which is also prey of the small pelagic fish at different ontogenetic stages (direct competition). To test our hypothesis, we developed Bayesian Generalized Linear Mixed Models to compare landings, biomass, abundance, and Kn condition factor of both species with several climatic indices, oceanographic variables, and the occurrences of jellyfish blooms. Our results revealed that the jellyfish bloom occurrence had a high probability of negatively and broadly affecting both species in addition to changes in environmental conditions. This suggests that jellyfish blooms should be added to the likely causes of change when analyzing small pelagic fish change ; This study was carried out within the Spanish Research project PELWEB (CTM2017-88939-R) funded by Spanish Ministry of Science, Innovation and Universities, and the Catalonian Government PELCAT projects (CAT 152CAT00013, TAIS ARP059/19/00005). [.] MC acknowledges the 'Severo Ochoa Centre of Excellence' accreditation (CEX2019-000928-S) to the Institute of Marine Science (ICM-CSIC). ; Peer reviewed

The comments of two anonymous reviewers have improved the quality of this manuscript. This study was supported by projects CGL2016-80687-R AEI/FEDER , P18-RT-3275 , B-RNM-301-UGR18 and RNM148 ( Junta de Andalucía/FEDER ). Y.M.M was supported by NASA under award number 80GSFC17M0002 . V.T.S. was supported by the FPU PhD grant ( 16/04038 ). ICM-CSIC author acknowledges the Severo Ochoa funding from the Spanish government through the " Severo Ochoa Centre of Excellence " accreditation ( CEX2019-000928-S ). University of Granada supported this study by funding the APC for publishing as an Open Access articile through an agreement with Elsevier. ; In the Alboran Sea there are a few well exposed Neogene and Quaternary volcanic zones, often geographic highs, that are generally associated with magnetic anomalies. In this paper, we present a characterization of these magnetic anomalies based on a recent and accurate magnetic data compilation for the Abloran Sea area. The anomalies reveal the distribution of magmatism and shed light into the discussion about the origin and evolution of the westernmost Mediterranean. One of the most relevant magnetic anomalies is the Nador dipole, which extends from the Gourougou volcano to the Chafarinas Islands, and is related to an E-W crustal scale intrusion. However, the main NE-SW elongated continuous dipoles of the central Alboran Sea are not related to any surface structure, but they are parallel to the Alboran Ridge, which is the main volcanic high in the Alboran Sea, and are located to the north of it. These anomalies extend discontinuously eastward along the NW-SE dipoles located along the Yusuf fault zone. The results of our 2D magnetic forward modeling suggest that the causative bodies of these main magnetic dipoles are deep igneous bodies. According to the tectonic evolution of the region, and the high magnetic susceptibility values obtained, these igneous bodies probably are made of a basic igneous rocks. Their emplacement may represent the westward tip of the rift axis of the AlKaPeCa Domain, which is related to the Oligocene-Miocene NW-SE extension, and associated with the southern slab retreat stage and oceanic spreading of the Algerian basin. Afterwards, these bodies were displaced toward the west, together with the Alboran Domain, and affected by the STEP fault located at its southern limit. Since the Late Miocene, the north Alboran Ridge elongated intrusions acted as a backstop that conditioned the folding and uplift of the Alboran Ridge in a tectonic indentation setting. In this setting, the STEP fault is deformed and the eastern part of the bodies were segmented along the Yusuf transtensional fault system. Simultaneously, the E-W crustal body related to the Nador magnetic dipole was emplaced, possibly evidencing a slab tearing process. The deep seated basic igneous bodies constitute main crustal heterogeneities that reveal and drive the Alboran Sea tectonic inversion. ; FPU 16/04038 ; Spanish government CEX2019-000928-S ; National Aeronautics and Space Administration 80GSFC17M0002 ; Universidad de Granada ; Junta de Andalucía

Index on leaves [1]-[5] at end. ; Errors in foliation: 13, 19, 28, 36, 107, 112, 123, 137, 172, 180, 196 and 210 misnumbered 145, 29, 20, 37, 109, 120, 12, 150, 173, 181, 188 and 110 respectively. Some of these errors have been corrected in various extant copies. ; Title within 4-part woodcut border, with woodcut Spanish royal arms on title page and leaf 5v; woodcut ornamented and historiated initials. ; Signatures: a-2d⁸ [2e]² [$4 (-a1, t2) signed; misprinting d4 as 'c4' and 2a4 as 'a4']. ; Colophon (leaf [5]r at end) reads: "[par.] A ho[n]rra y gloria de Nuestro Señor Iesu Christo acabose este presente libro en Mexico en casa de Pedro Ocharte, a veynte y tres dias del mes de nouiembre de mill [et] quinientos [et] sesenta y tres años. [par.] Esta tassado por el illustrissimo señor do[n] Luys de Uelasco uirrey a real el pliego. Por ma[n]dado de su señoria Antonio de Turcios secretario." ; García Icazbalceta (incorrectly?) reports the month in line 2 of leaf 2 verso as "mayo", but most (all?) extant copies read "março", as is also reported by Medina. ; The license on recto of second leaf is dated Toledo, 4 September, 1560. On verso of leaf 2 is the "Comision para la impression" of Luis de Velasco to Vasco de Puga. ; This work, the earliest printed summary of Spanish colonial law, was compiled by Vasco de Puga and is generally known as the "Cedulario" of de Puga. ; Wagner, H.R. Nueva bibliografía mexicana del siglo xvi, 1946, ; Dobbs & Haun. Law Library at LC, ; Streit, R. Bibliotheca missionum, ; Palau y Dulcet, A. Manual del librero hispano-americano (2. ed.), ; García Icazbalceta, J. Bibliografía mexicana del siglo XVI (1954 ed.), ; Sabin, J. Dictionary of books relating to America from its discovery to the present time, ; Medina, J.T. Imprenta en México (1539-1821), ; Bibliotheca Americana: catalogue of the John Carter Brown Library in Brown University, Providence, Rhode Island, ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Armorial bookplate of Maximilian I, Emperor of Mexico. From the J.M. Andrade collection (with his bookplate). Forms part of the Hubert Howe Bancroft Collection (No. 60, Rare B). Stamp of J.F. Ramirez on leaf 2r. ; 19th century quarter leather (re-backed) over marbled boards; marbled endpapers. ; Bancroft Library copy: Imperfect: title page and leaves 149-151, 160 wanting (replaced by manuscript).

[8], 188, 187-590, [14] p. ; E.G. = Edward Grimeston?. ; Translation of: Historia natural y moral de las Indias. ; The first leaf and the last leaf are blank. ; Includes index. ; A variant omits the words "the R.F." on the title page. ; Reproduction of the original in Cambridge University Library.

The Gnassingbé clan has ruled the country since 1967. The demand for political alternance, initiated by institutional and electoral reforms, constituted the major contentious issue between the government and the challengers of the Gnassingbé regime throughout the survey period. The legislative elections of 20 December 2018, boycotted by the major opposition parties, resulted in an easy victory of the ruling party. The first local elections since more than 30 years took finally place on 30 June 2019 and resulted in the victory of the ruling party. Shortly afterwards, in February 2020, the President won also the disputed presidential elections and even consolidated his power, assisted by the loyal army and security services. The outbreak of the Corona epidemic in Togo in April and the subsequent economic recession may have contributed to limit popular protest against the Gnassingbé regime. The human rights record of the government has improved but remains poor. Despite undeniable improvements to the framework and appearance of the regime's key institutions during the review period, democracy remains far from complete. However, the international community, notably Togo's African peers, the AU and ECOWAS, followed a 'laissez-faire' approach in the interests of regional stability and their national interests in dealing with Togo. Economic growth remained stable at about 5% per annum (before Corona). Public investment in infrastructure and increases in agricultural productivity, notably of export crops, had been the key drivers of economic growth. However, growth remains vulnerable to external shocks and the climate and has not been inclusive. Positive growth was overshadowed by increasing inter-personal and regional inequality as well as an increase in extreme poverty. Moreover, money-laundering, illegal money transfers and trafficking grew alarmingly. The business climate improved considerably nevertheless. ; Author's enhanced version ; RÉSUMÉ: Le clan Gnassingbé dirige le pays depuis 1967. La revendication d'alternance politique, initiée par des réformes institutionnelles et électorales, a constitué le principal litige entre le gouvernement et les challengers du régime Gnassingbé tout au long de la période d'enquête. Les élections législatives du 20 décembre 2018, boycottées par les principaux partis d'opposition, se sont soldées par une victoire facile du parti au pouvoir. Les premières élections locales depuis plus de 30 ans ont finalement eu lieu le 30 juin 2019 et ont abouti à la victoire du parti au pouvoir. Peu de temps après, en février 2020, le président a remporté également les élections présidentielles contestées. Par cela il a même consolidé son pouvoir, aidé par l'armée fidèle et les services de sécurité. Le déclenchement de l'épidémie de Corona au Togo en avril 2020 et la récession économique qui a suivi, ont peut-être contribué à limiter les protestations populaires contre le régime de Gnassingbé. Le bilan du gouvernement en matière de droits humains s'est amélioré, mais reste médiocre. Malgré des améliorations indéniables du cadre et de l'apparence des principales institutions du régime pendant la période à l'examen, la démocratie reste loin d'être achevée. Cependant, la communauté internationale, notamment les pairs africains du Togo, l'UA et la CEDEAO, ont suivi une approche de «laissez-faire» dans l'intérêt de la stabilité régionale et de leurs intérêts nationaux face au Togo. La croissance économique est restée stable à environ 5 % par an (avant Corona). Les investissements publics dans les infrastructures et les augmentations de la productivité agricole, notamment des cultures d'exportation, ont été les principaux moteurs de la croissance économique. Cependant, la croissance reste vulnérable aux chocs externes et au climat, et le développement n'a pas été inclusive. La croissance positive a été éclipsée par l'augmentation des inégalités interpersonnelles et régionales ainsi que par une augmentation de l'extrême pauvreté. En outre, le blanchiment d'argent, les transferts d'argent illégaux et le trafic ont augmenté de façon alarmante. Le climat des affaires s'est néanmoins considérablement amélioré. --- ZUSAMMENFASSUNG: Der Gnassingbé-Clan regiert das Land seit 1967. Die Forderung nach politischer Abwechslung, die durch institutionelle Reformen und Wahlreformen ausgelöst wurde, war das Hauptstreitpunkt zwischen der Regierung und den Herausforderern des Gnassingbé-Regimes während des gesamten Untersuchungszeitraums. Die von den großen Oppositionsparteien boykottierten Parlamentswahlen vom 20. Dezember 2018 führten zu einem leichten Sieg der Regierungspartei. Die ersten Kommunalwahlen seit mehr als 30 Jahren fanden schließlich am 30. Juni 2019 statt und führten zum Sieg der Regierungspartei. Kurz darauf, im Februar 2020, gewann der Präsident auch die umstrittenen Präsidentschaftswahlen. Somit festigte er sogar seine Macht, unterstützt von der loyalen Armee und den Sicherheitsdiensten. Der Ausbruch der Corona-Epidemie in Togo im April und die anschließende wirtschaftliche Rezession haben möglicherweise dazu beigetragen, den Protest der Bevölkerung gegen das Gnassingbé-Regime zu begrenzen. Die Menschenrechtsbilanz der Regierung hat sich verbessert, ist aber weiterhin schlecht. Trotz unbestreitbarer Verbesserungen des Rahmens und des Erscheinungsbilds der wichtigsten Institutionen des Regimes im Berichtszeitraum bleibt die Demokratie bei weitem nicht umfassend. Die internationale Gemeinschaft, insbesondere die afrikanischen Kollegen Faure Gnassingbés in der AU und ECOWAS, verfolgten jedoch im Interesse der regionalen Stabilität und in ihren nationalen Interessen im Umgang mit Togo einen "Laissez-Faire"-Ansatz. Das Wirtschaftswachstum blieb stabil bei etwa 5% pro Jahr (vor Corona). Öffentliche Investitionen in die Infrastruktur und die Steigerung der landwirtschaftlichen Produktivität, insbesondere in Exportkulturen, waren die Haupttreiber des Wirtschaftswachstums. Das Wachstum bleibt jedoch anfällig für externe Schocks und das Klima und war nicht inklusiv. Das positive Wachstum wurde durch die zunehmende zwischenmenschliche und regionale Ungleichheit sowie die Zunahme der extremen Armut überschattet. Darüber hinaus nahmen Geldwäsche, illegale Geldtransfers und Menschenhandel alarmierend zu. Das Geschäftsklima hat sich dennoch erheblich verbessert.

The distinguished French humanist LeRoy, d.1577, addresses his treatise to Catherine de Medicis, discussing contemporary European events with emphasis upon the Turks, the expansion of the Muscovites, Hungary and Austria. Of particular interest is his reference to the inhabitants of new lands and the eastern and western Indies. See Duvall item no.138 for a 1570 reprint. ; Electronic reproduction; 27, [1] p., 1 . ; 18 cm.

The paper describes the permeation of the Croatian language with adjacent languages that were frequently used as languages of political domination or great prestige. The author speaks about the language power of the Croatian South and the Croatian North. In Europe, more precisely in West and Central Europe, there is hardly any other nation on whose territory so many languages were spoken as it is the case with Croatia, especially in its South. However, this fact did not prevent the Croats to become one united nation in the 19th century. The only language with which Croatian was in actual conflict was Hungarian

32 [i.e. 63] p. ; Translation of: Plaidoyé de M. Antoine Arnauld . pour l'Université de Paris, demanderesse, contre les iesuites defendeurs.--Cf. NUC pre-1956 imprints. ; Attributed to Arnauld by STC (2nd ed.) and NUC pre-1956 imprints. ; "Cum privilegio." ; Signatures: A-H⁴. ; Pages numbered consecutively on recto only. ; Reproductions of originals in the Bodleian Library and University of Illinois (Urbana-Champaign Campus). Library.

In this essay, it is argued that the market is fetishized as a means of hiding the responsibility of Capitalism in the growing poverty and the social tensions that it engenders in most of the Western World. The ideological intention is to instill the idea that autonomous forces influence prices, wages and the economic condition of individuals. As a result, the role of capitalists in imposing a self-serving economic structure that enriches an elite while impoverishing most people in society remains unobtrusive. ; En este trabajo se plantea que la economía de mercado se fetichiza para tratar de ocultar la creciente pobreza y las tensiones sociales que provoca el capitalismo en gran parte de Occidente. La intención ideológica del fetichismo consiste en tratar de inculcar la idea de que fuerzas autónomas inciden sobre los precios, los salarios y la suerte económica de los seres humanos. De esta manera se oculta el papel del capitalista en la imposición de una forma de organizar la economía que enriquece a una elite y empobrece a los demás miembros de la sociedad.

Palestiinalaispakolaiset ovat eläneet pakolaisleireillä jo seitsemän vuosikymmentä. Heidän pakolaisuutensa juontuu vuodesta 1948, jolloin Israelin valtion perustamisen yhteydessä enemmistö alueen palestiinalaisesta väestöstä joutui pakenemaan kotiseuduiltaan. Vuosikymmenten aikana pakolaisleirit ovat tulleet osaksi Lähi-idän maisemaa, ja niillä on kasvanut ja elänyt jo useita palestiinalaissukupolvia. Leirien pitkästä historiasta huolimatta niitä on kuitenkin pidetty väliaikaisina; määritelmällisesti leiri on aina olemassa vain rajatun ajanjakson ja palestiinalaisten kansallisissa narratiiveissa, jotka painottavat paluuta Palestiinaan, niitä ei ole ajateltu pysyvinä asuinpaikkoina. Käytännössä leirit kuitenkin muodostavat olosuhteet, joissa palestiinalaispakolaiset elävät arkeaan ja rakentavat tulevaisuuttaan. Pitkän historiansa, ainutlaatuisen institutionaalisen viitekehyksen sekä palestiinalaisten poliittiseen kamppailuun linkittyvien merkitysten takia leirit luovat omanlaisensa puitteet niillä asuvien pakolaisten elämälle. Tässä tutkimuksessa en silti tarkastele vain leirejä itsessään vaan lähestyn niiden kautta sitä, miten niillä asuvat palestiinalaiset neuvottelevat tulevaisuudentoiveitaan. Tämä etnografiaan pohjaava tutkimus on toteutettu Libanonissa, Jordaniassa ja Länsirannalla usealla eri pakolaisleirillä. Valitsin monikenttäisen lähestymistavan sillä lähtöoletuksella, että pakolaisuuden konteksti vaikuttaa merkittävästi siihen, miten tulevaisuuksia kuvitellaan. Palestiinalaispakolaisten asemamassa onkin merkittäviä eroja näillä kolmella alueella: Libanonissa he elävät ilman kansalaisuutta ja sen tuomia oikeuksia, Jordaniassa enemmistö pakolaisista on samanaikaisesti sekä maan kansalaisia että pakolaisia ja Länsirannalla palestiinalaispakolaiset joutuvat muiden länsirantalaisten tavoin kohtaamaan Israelin väkivaltaisen miehityspolitiikan. Näiden kontekstuaalisten erojen ja niiden vaikutusten ymmärtäminen on ollut tutkimuksen keskiössä. Tutkimuksen lähtöoletuksena on lisäksi ontologisen hermeneutiikan mukaisesti se, että tulevaisuuden tarkastelu ei ole mahdollista ilman, että ymmärtää menneen, nykyisyyden ja näiden välisen suhteen. Tästä syystä käyn läpi eri kentillä asuvien palestiinalaisten historiaa ja etenen leirien nykyolosuhteiden tarkasteluun. Nämä ajallisuudet luovat pohjan pakolaisten tulevaisuudentoiveiden ymmärtämiselle. Palestiinalaispakolaisten historia on täynnä väkivaltaa, pakenemista ja jatkuvaa epävarmuutta, ja pakolaisleirit ovat tilana tiivistäneet pakolaisuuteen liittyvät vaikeudet niin historiallisesti kuin nykyäänkin. Materiaaliset olosuhteet, ahtaus, suhde ympäröivään paikkaan ja yhteisöön sekä leirin identiteetilliset ja poliittiset konnotaatiot ovat kaikki vaikuttaneet siihen, miten tähän tutkimukseen osallistuneet palestiinalaispakolaiset kokivat elinolosuhteensa. Leirien ei koettu pystyvän tarjoamaan toivottua elintasoa, mutta samanaikaisesti ne muodostivat merkityksellisen yhteisön, johon liitettiin useita positiivisia ominaisuuksia. Leirit muodostivat myös osan pakolaisten poliittista identiteettiä: ne muistuttivat niillä asuvien pakolaisuudesta ja muodostivat linkin Palestiinaan ja siten ylläpitivät vaatimusta paluuoikeudesta. Kuitenkin, näistä positiivisista puolista huolimatta, elettyinä tiloina leirit eivät pystyneet luomaan toivottuja puitteita arjelle. Tässä tutkimuksessa painottuu myös se, että Libanonissa, Jordaniassa ja Länsirannalla tarjolla olleet mahdollisuudet eivät useinkaan riittäneet toivotun tulevaisuuden saavuttamiseen. Maastamuutto olikin monelle tapa kuvitella parempaa tulevaisuutta niin itselle kuin perheelle, erityisesti Libanonissa ja Länsirannalla. Parempaa tulevaisuutta neuvoteltiin useita eri reittejä, ja tässä tutkimuksessa keskityn erityisesti koulutuksen, työn ja naimisiinmenon tarjoamiin mahdollisuuksiin. Vaikka myös kansalliset tulevaisuudet, Palestiina ja paluuoikeuden toteutuminen nousivat esiin näissä neuvotteluissa, ilmenivät ne kuitenkin abstraktimmalla tasolla ja eri aikajanalla, kuin tulevaisuudet, joilla haettiin parempia mahdollisuuksia saavuttaa henkilökohtaiset elämäntavoitteet ja helpotusta arjessa kohdattuihin vaikeuksiin. Palestiinalaispakolaisten tulevaisuuskäsitysten erityisyys on juuri henkilökohtaisen ja kansallisen tulevaisuuden välille muodostuvassa ristivedossa. Kansallisen narratiivin mukaan pakolaisten (erityisesti leireillä asuvien) oletetaan sisukkaasti odottavan paluuta, kestävän pakolaisuuden haasteet ja taistelevan kansallisten tavoitteiden puolesta. Samanaikaisesti pakolaiset kuitenkin pyrkivät parantamaan arkeaan, elinolosuhteitaan ja mahdollisuuksiaan tarjolla olevin keinoin. Etnografiassani painottui erityisesti tämä henkilökohtainen puoli ja se, että kansallisten tavoitteiden saavuttamisen ei koettu pystyvän tarjoamaan parannusta pakolaisuuden historian muovaamiin nykyolosuhteisiin riittävän nopealla aikataululla. Väitänkin, että henkilökohtaisten tulevaisuuksien ensisijaisuus heijastaa leireillä asuvien palestiinalaisten kohtaamia vaikeuksia: heidän asemansa ja tulevaisuutensa ei ole tarpeeksi turvattu, jotta he voisivat odottaa ja keskittyä kansallisten tavoitteiden ajamiseen. Sen sijaan palestiinalaispakolaiset ovat pakotettuja tarttumaan tällä hetkellä tarjolla oleviin vaihtoehtoihin ja pyrkimään niihin suuntiin, joissa mahdollisuudet parempaan elämään ovat tarjolla. ; Palestinian refugee camps have been housing Palestinians for seven decades. They were formed after 1948, when in the process of establishing Israel as a Jewish state the majority of Palestinians living in Mandatory Palestine were dispossessed. Over these decades, the camps have become a durable part of the Middle Eastern landscape, and several generations of refugees have already been born, and are living, in them. Despite the fact that Palestinian camps have also been framed as temporary, not only by definition but also in the national narratives stressing the right to return to Palestine, in practice the camps have become sites where lives are lived and futures built. Due to their long history, unique institutional framework, and strong connotation as centers of Palestinian political struggle, Palestinian refugee camps have their own specificities that affect how they frame the life of their dwellers. Yet, this dissertation is not an ethnography of the camps per se; the aim is rather to look through them in order to explore the manifold futures that are negotiated by the Palestinian refugees dwelling in them, and especially by those just reaching adulthood. This ethnographic study has been conducted in several refugee camps in Jordan, Lebanon, and the West Bank. A multi-sited approach was adopted with the presumption that the context of refugeeness affects the ways in which futures are imagined. Palestinian refugees have been positioned differently in these places: as stateless and excluded in Lebanon, as refugee-citizens in Jordan, and as being among their own people yet enduring the difficulties of the oppressive Israeli occupation in the West Bank. Understanding these contextual specificities in the different host sovereigns has hence been central to the aims of this work. In this dissertation I argue, in line with ontological hermeneutics, that it is not possible to explore the future without first addressing the differing pasts and present conditions of the refugees. Therefore, to understand these differing experiences of Palestinian refugees living under the three host sovereigns, I start by looking at the histories that form the present realities through which Palestinians look to, have hopes for, and plan for their futures. The histories of Palestinian refugeeness have witnessed violence, multiple displacements, and enduring uncertainty. In all the fields that were included in this research it was the camp that embodied the difficulties of being a refugee. The material living conditions, crowdedness, camp community, and relations with the surrounding area and society, as well as the identificational and political connotations, have all affected how the camps have been experienced as places of dwelling by my interlocutors. In many ways they were considered inadequate in terms of providing the hoped-for standards of living, yet simultaneously they formed a significant community that was viewed from a positive perspective, though more so in the West Bank and Jordan than in Lebanon. Nevertheless, while the camps functioned as a marker of Palestinian refugeeness, and were even equated with Palestine and the right of return, as everyday spatialities they left much to be desired. Similarly, this research shows that the possibilities available to the refugees under the host sovereigns were not usually enough for my interlocutors to achieve their aspirations. Hence many – especially in Lebanon and the West Bank, though for different reasons – have come to consider that emigration could fulfil their hopes and provide better conditions for them and their families. Better futures were negotiated via different routes – education, employment, and marriage being the ones explored here. While both return and the national future of Palestine also emerged in these negotiations, they were situated in a different, more abstract timeframe, not one that could provide better possibilities or enhancements in the deprived conditions faced in everyday life. The specificity of Palestinian refugees' negotiations on the future nevertheless emerges from this discrepancy between the national and the personal. On the level of national discourse, Palestinian refugees (especially those living in camps) are people steadfastly waiting for the return, enduring life in the camp and fighting for the national cause. However, on the level of the everyday, they are – as is anyone – aiming to improve their situation with the means available and, as became evident in my ethnography, in the present situation and in light of past experiences those means direct their attention somewhere other than to the political objectives they hold as Palestinian refugees. This, I claim, reflects the difficulties that Palestinian refugees living in the camps face: they are not in a secure enough position to have the luxury of "waiting out" or to concentrate on the political in its national manifestation. Rather, they are forced to negotiate the options at hand, to reach out in those directions where possibilities are available.

The German High Command (OHL) and the Foreign Office (Aus Amt) searched for new military strategies in an attempt to bring the war to an end after the horrendous losses of 1916. Specifically, they were horrified by the inability to advance on the Western Front – the trenches. Although the navy was blockaded in port in Kiel, they hoped that submarines could severely hamper the war effort of the Entente Powers. An important supply line was through the Mediterranean, and after losing their alliance with Italy in 1915, they saw neutral Spain as a possible base for submarine operations. Neutral Spain would also be used as part of a spy ring aimed at damaging their enemies' war effort. The effort of the German authorities was a combination of diplomacy and covert actions to implement their plans. Although ultimately unsuccessful, the use of submarines and spies revealed Germany's desperate attempt to bring the Great War a quick end in 1917. ; El Alto mando alemán (OHL) y la Oficina de Relaciones Exteriores exploraron nuevas estrategias militares en su esfuerzo por poner fin a la guerra luego de las terribles pérdidas en 1916. Las trincheras les horrorizaron por la imposibilidad de ganar terreno en el frente occidental. A pesar del bloqueo naval en el puerto de Kiel, se mostraron esperanzados en la capacidad de los submarinos para impactar adversamente el esfuerzo de guerra de los poderes de la Entente. Luego de perder el apoyo de Italia en 1915 y dado el hecho de que una línea importante de suministros atravesaba el Mediterráneo. España, como nación neutral, podría desempeñar un rol importante en una cadena de espionaje diseñada para impactar adversamente el esfuerzo de guerra del enemigo. Las autoridades alemanas combinaron diplomacia y actividades secretas en la implementación de sus planes. A pesar de su eventual fracaso, el uso de submarinos y el espionaje evidenció los desesperados esfuerzos alemanes por terminar de manera rápida la Gran Guerra en 1917.

APPROVED ; Interpretations of the period following the disintegration of the Carolingian empire in Western Europe at the end of the ninth century have long divided historians, between those who believe a violent rupture in political and social structures took place around the year 1000 and those who argue for an essential continuity. This thesis aims to transcend these debates, by approaching medieval society through a case-study in the Loire valley region relying on two fresh methodological insights. Firstly, it will investigate changes in the economic structures which provided society's material base; secondly, it will analyse how those ?lites claimed, performed and maintained their status. Based on these two approaches, the thesis explores changing patterns of ?lite behaviour in order to better understand the social and economic changes which took place from the late ninth century onwards. The thesis examines the effects of shifting landholding patterns, the emergence of seigneurial customs, changing attitudes to church patronage and lay violence, and the methods by which ?lites were identified in documents, to establish their implications for the ways by which ?lites could claim and maintain their status. It concludes that there was a significant and fundamental transformation of social and economic structures, beginning in the middle of the tenth century, in the middle Loire valley, although the pace of change is slower than would be appropriate for a 'Feudal Revolution'. Nevertheless, the breakdown of the Carolingian political order unleashed a wave of competition amongst local and regional ?lites, which saw them innovate and adapt the heritage of Carolingian culture to create a new, 'feudal' social order. This was fuelled by the changes in economic structures which provided ?lites with more wealth to promote their own status; the competition for status in turn fuelled ?lites' need for more wealth and their incentive for economic expansion.

The present research aims to analyse the phenomenon of unaccompanied minors arriving from Morocco to the European Union from 2010 to 2021. This recent migratory phenomenon supposes an emerging challenge for governments, international organisations, and societies, in order to guarantee the protection of children according the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (UN, 1989). The research focuses on the children «on the move», travelling alone from Morocco and arriving in Spain through the Strait of Gibraltar. The so-called Western Mediterranean Migratory Route has become one of the gateways to Europe. Spain hosts nowadays a big community of Moroccan unaccompanied minors and Catalonia has become the second Spanish Autonomous Community with a major number of unaccompanied minors, only surpassed by the enclave of Melilla located on the very border of Morocco. The present research gives special attention to the study of the Amazigh Nationalism question, as something to look at among the reasons why Moroccan unaccompanied minors migrate to Europe, choosing, particularly, Catalonia as a model to pursuit an Amazigh nation. ; A presente pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar o fenómeno da chegada de menores não acompanhados provenientes de Marrocos à União Europeia entre 2010 a 2021. Este fenómeno migratório recente supõe um desafio emergente para governos, organizações internacionais e sociedade para garantir a proteção de crianças segundo a Convenção das Nações Unidas sobre os Direitos da Criança (ONU, 1989). A pesquisa centra-se nas crianças em trânsito que vêm sozinhas de Marrocos e chegam à Espanha pelo Estreito de Gibraltar. A chamada Rota Migratória do Mediterrâneo Ocidental tornou-se uma das portas de entrada para a Europa. Por seu lado, a Espanha acolhe hoje uma grande comunidade de menores não acompanhados marroquinos e, em particular, a Catalunha tornou-se a segunda Comunidade Autónoma Espanhola com maior número de menores não acompanhados, apenas superada por Melilla localizada na fronteira de Marrocos. A ...